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Politics

World Economic Forum- Global Cooperation At Crossroads

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The Global Cooperation Barometer indicates that international cooperation has “flatlined”, driven by heightened geopolitical tensions and instability, but positive momentum in climate finance, health and innovation offers hope.
In an era of heightened volatility, leaders will need to embrace “disordered” cooperation and dynamic, solutions-driven decision-making to deliver tangible results and build trust. AI and other emerging technologies are reshaping the global landscape and driving upheaval. Concerted cooperation will be critical to harness benefits and minimize risks.

Geneva, Switzerland, January 2025 – The World Economic Forum’s Global Cooperation Barometer offers a critical assessment of the state of global cooperation, showing a world grappling with heightened competition and conflict, while also identifying various areas where leaders can drive progress through innovative collaboration. Released amid geopolitical, technological and sociopolitical upheaval, the Forum’s flagship annual report underscores the urgency of addressing shared challenges and offers leaders guidance on what cooperation can look like in a shifting world.
 
The Global Cooperation Barometer 2025, developed in collaboration with McKinsey & Company, uses 41 indicators to measure the current state of global cooperation. The aim is to offer leaders a tool to better understand the contours of cooperation broadly and along five pillars: trade and capital flows, innovation and technology, climate and natural capital, health and wellness, and peace and security. Now in its second edition, the Barometer draws on new data to provide an updated picture of the global cooperation landscape, with a particular focus on the impact of the new technological age.
 
“The Barometer is being released at a moment of great global instability and at a time when many new governments are developing agendas for the year, and their terms, ahead,” said Børge Brende, President and CEO of the World Economic Forum. “What the Barometer shows is that cooperation is not only essential to address crucial economic, environmental and technological challenges, it is possible within today’s more turbulent context.”
 
“This second edition of the Global Cooperation Barometer focuses on where cooperation stands today and what it can look like in the new technological age,” said Bob Sternfels, Global Managing Partner, McKinsey & Company. “Advancing global innovation, health, prosperity and resilience cannot be done alone. Leaders will need new mechanisms for working together on key priorities, even as they disagree on others, and the past several years have shown this balance is possible.”

The latest edition of the Barometer highlights that global cooperation is at a critical juncture. The report’s analysis reveals that after trending positively for a decade and surpassing pre-pandemic levels, overall cooperation has stagnated.

This has been driven by a sharp decline of the peace and security pillar of the Barometer over the past seven years, caused by mounting geopolitical tensions and competition which have significantly eroded global collective security. Levels of conflict and attendant humanitarian crises have increased in the past year to record levels, driven by crises including, but not limited to, the Middle East, Ukraine and Sudan.

As the largely stable cooperative order that defined the post-Cold War period is giving way to a more fragmented landscape, solutions to pressing challenges – from climate action to technological governance – require collaboration. And despite the global security crises, the new findings indicate that collaboration has continued in various areas including vaccine distribution, scientific research, renewable energy development, and more – offering models for future cooperation.
Notably, peace and security have declined sharply in recent years, but other pillars of the Barometer have remained resilient and reveal emerging opportunities for international cooperation,

Innovation and technology. While geopolitical competition is rising in regard to certain frontier technologies such as semiconductors, overall global cooperation on technology and innovation advanced in 2023, in part due to digitization of the global economy. This helped drive the adoption of new technologies, a strong ramp-up in the supply of critical minerals – and a related drop in price of lithium batteries – and a rebound in student mobility. However, rapid disruption from emerging technologies such as AI is reshaping the global landscape, raising the possibility of a new frontline of geostrategic competition or even an “AI arms race”. Cooperative leadership and inclusive strategies will be key to harness its vast potential while tackling risks.

Climate and natural capital: Cooperation on climate goals improved over the past year, with increased finance flows and higher trade in low-carbon technologies such as solar, wind and electric vehicles. Yet, urgent action is required to meet net-zero targets as global emissions continue to rise. Greater global cooperation will be essential to scale up technologies and secure the financing needed to meet climate goals by 2030.

Health and wellness: Some health outcomes, including life expectancy, continued to improve post-pandemic, but overall progress is slowing compared to pre-2020. While cross-border assistance and pharmaceutical R&D have declined, and cooperation on trade in health goods and international regulations stalled, various health metrics including child and maternal mortality remain strong. Given rising health risks and ageing populations, leaders should invest in global cooperation to bolster public health and sustainable health systems.

Trade and capital flows: Metrics related to the flow of goods and services, trade, capital and people had mixed outcomes in 2023. Goods trade declined by 5%, driven largely by slower growth in China and other developing economies, while global fragmentation continued to reduce trade between Western and Eastern-aligned blocs. Despite this, global flows of services, capital and people showed resilience. Foreign direct investment surged, particularly in strategic sectors like semiconductors and green energy, while labour migration and remittances rebounded strongly, surpassing pre-pandemic levels.Looking ahead, leaders will need to find ways to work together, even as competition increases, as tangible results will be crucial to maintain public trust and support. The report concludes by underscoring the urgent need for adaptive, solutions-driven leadership to navigate a turbulent global landscape. By pivoting towards cooperative solutions, leaders can rebuild trust, drive meaningful change and unlock new opportunities for shared progress and resilience in the complex years ahead.
 
About the Global Cooperation Barometer Methodology
 
The Global Cooperation Barometer – first launched in 2024 – evaluates global collaboration across five interconnected dimensions: trade and capital, innovation and technology, climate and natural capital, health and wellness, and peace and security. The Barometer is built on 41 indicators, categorized as cooperative action metrics (evidence of tangible cooperation, such as trade volumes, capital flows, or intellectual property exchanges) and outcome metrics (broader measures of progress like reductions in greenhouse gas emissions or improvements in life expectancy). Spanning 2012–2023 and indexed to 2020 to reflect pandemic-era shifts, the Barometer normalizes data for comparability (e.g., financial metrics relative to global GDP and migration metrics to population levels) and weights it equally within and across pillars.
 
About the Annual Meeting 2025
 
The World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2025, taking place in Davos-Klosters from 20 to 24 January, convenes global leaders under the theme, Collaboration for the Intelligent Age. The meeting will foster new partnerships and insights to shape a more sustainable, inclusive future in an era of rapidly advancing technology, focusing on five key areas: Reimagining Growth, Industries in the Intelligent Age, Investing in People, Safeguarding the Planet, and Rebuilding Trust. Click here to learn more.
Finance

Strengthening Canada’s Trade Laws to Address Emerging Global Threat

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Key Canadian trade laws do not refer to national security as a factor that allows Canada to counter threats from imports of goods or services. Given the tense geopolitical situation, I propose ways to close this “national security gap.” 

The gap is particularly worrisome in two key import-governing legislation: (1) the Customs Tariff Act and (2) the Export and Import Permits Act.

I will show why the omission of the national security element in these and possibly other statutes needs to be remedied.

National Security & Chinese Exports

The Americans imposed surcharges on Chinese EVs, steel, aluminum, semiconductors and other products in May 2024 in response to heavily subsidized Chinese imports that were said to have breached international trade rules. 

The EU started applying countervailing duties on Chinese EVs in July this year, using a more standard trade remedy process to counter the injurious impact of subsidized imports on the European automotive industry. 

The danger posed by Chinese EVs, steel and aluminum imports, plus these actions by Canada’s major trading partners, led the Canadian government to apply comparable tariff surcharges. The strategic threat posed by China’s state-subsidized exports made for the right response by Canada. 

While existing laws allowed the federal cabinet to take action in this case, it also brought home the fact that there is an absence of any reference to “national security” in some of Canada’s major trade law statutes.

Section 53 – Canada’s Rapid  Response Mechanism

In the United States, Section 232 of the 1962 Trade Expansion Act, along with Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act, authorize the president to increase tariffs on imports if the quantity or circumstances surrounding those imports are deemed to threaten national security.1

Section 232 was used by the Trump administration in 2018 to apply surcharges to a range of imports from numerous countries, including Canada. However, these tariffs were ultimately dropped in the face of threats by Canada to retaliate against American goods exported to Canada.

Unlike the US, Canada lacks the legislative means to impose import surcharges on the basis of national security. The closest we have is Section 53 of the Customs Tariff Act, which focuses on the enforcement of Canada’s rights under trade agreements and responses to practices that negatively affect Canadian trade. It was Section 53 that was used in the August decision on Chinese EVs, etc., referred to earlier.

Indeed, there are similarities between Section 301 of the US Trade Act of 1974 and Section 53 of the Customs Tariff Act.But while existing laws allowed the federal cabinet to act in this case, the case brought home the fact that there is an absence of any reference to “national security” in some of Canada’s major trade law statutes.

Governments have shied away from using Section 53 as a policy tool over the years. It was used only once before its present deployment, in response to the Trump administration’s surcharges on Canadian steel and aluminum in 2018 and 2020.2

 The surcharges were ultimately withdrawn when the US tariffs were terminated.Section 53 comes under Division 4 of the Actentitled “Special Measures, Emergency Measures and Safeguards,” giving the government broad powers to apply unilateral tariff measures on the joint recommendation of the ministers of Finance and Global Affairs:

…for the purpose of enforcing Canada’s rights 

under a trade agreement in relation to a country 

or of responding to acts, policies or practices of 

the government of a country that adversely affect, 

or lead directly or indirectly to adverse effects on, 

trade in goods or services of Canada…

There is no requirement for public consultations or input under this provision. Although the government held a round of stakeholder consultations before moving on Chinese imports in August, it was not legally obliged to do so. While the ministerial recommendations must be fact-based and supported by credible data, the law is effective in that nothing inhibits rapid action by the federal cabinet. In this respect, it is a superior tool to Section 232 of the American legislation.3

The critical shortcoming, on the other hand, is that while allowing the government to protect Canadian trade interests in a fairly rapid fashion, Section 53 does not allow action on imports found to be threatening national security, whether it be economic, military or other. There is clearly a need to repair this omission, not only here but in Canada’s other trade laws.

In my view, we need a national security component in Section 53 as the Canadian counterpart to Section 232 of the US Trade Expansion Act.

Import Controls and National Security

Together with tariff measures, Canada can control imports under the Export and Import Permits Act(EIPA) through the creation of import (and export) control lists designed to achieve particular strategic, security and economic objectives. These lists are established by orders-in-council, 

requiring listed goods and technology to have a permit in order to be imported or exported. These permits are issued by the Trade Controls and Technical Barriers Bureau in Global Affairs Canada (GAC). Without a permit, imports of controlled items are illegal.

While Section 5(1) of EIPA provides for the creation of import control lists covering arms, ammunition and military items, it fails to provide for imports of goods or technology to be controlled for national security reasons. The Act could not have been used, for example, to deal with the effects on national security of imports of Chinese EVs, steel, aluminum or any other goods or technology. EIPA is thus deficient in this regard.

There is a related issue when it comes to export controls. Section 3(1) of EIPA authorizes the establishment of export control lists, among other reasons:

“(a)…to ensure that arms, ammunition, 

implements or munitions of war, etc. … otherwise 

having a strategic nature or value will not be made 

available to any destination where their use might 

be detrimental to the security of Canada.”

The reference to the “security of Canada” under paragraph (a) is the only such reference in the statute and is confined to the security aspects of imports of arms, ammunition, munitions of war, etc. While not as significant as the problems regarding import controls, it is nonetheless a serious omission.

The result is that as EIPA is currently drafted, the federal government lacks the legal authority to create import or export controls designed to protect or safeguard Canadian security. EIPA needs to be amended to add this authority on the part of the government.

Indeed, it may be desirable to re-consider much of the architecture of EIPA from the viewpoint of safeguarding Canada’s security interests on both the export and import side.

Controlling Imports Through Sanctions

Canada’s sanctions laws are found in the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act (JVCFOA), the United Nations Act, and, notably, the Special Economic Measures Act (SEMA). Each of these statutes allows the federal cabinet to issue sanctions through regulations 

applicable to specific countries and/or jurisdictions and prohibiting transactions in specific items of goods or technology. None of these laws allow sanctions for matters related to Canadian security.

SEMA is Canada’s most widely used sanctions legislation. Section 4 is the only part of the Act that uses the term “security,” but only in instances when, among other matters:

(b) a grave breach of international peace and 

security has occurred that has resulted in or is likely 

to result in a serious international crisis.

Because of the restrictions on international peace and security, the government lacks the authority to issue sanctions dealing with national security interests.4

For example, Canada’s sanctions on Russia are directed at countering actions that “constitute a grave breach of international peace and security that has resulted or is likely to result in a serious international crisis,” with no reference to Canadian national security interests.

SEMA should be amended to allow prohibitions of any transaction or dealings of any kind where Canada’s national security is at risk.

Trade Remedies and National Security

In accordance with the GATT/WTO Agreement, antidumping and countervailing (AD/CV) duties can be applied to dumped or subsidized imports when a domestic industry is injured or threatened with injury from exactly the same imports as that industry produces. In Canada, these are provided for under the Special Import Measures Act (SIMA).

SIMA actions are driven by complaints filed by domestic producers who make exactly the same or directly competitive products as the imported items. It means, for example, that in the absence of a Canadian industry threatened with injury or actually injured by the same type of Chinese EVs, aluminum or steel imports as those producers make, AD/CV duty remedies would not be available. SIMA makes no reference to national security as a factor in the application of these duties.

In short, because the SIMA process is geared to provide protection to domestic producers and private sector industries, it is inappropriate as a vehicle for dealing with national economic security concerns that range well beyond those private interests.

The same is true in the case of safeguards, another kind of trade action allowed under the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement to counter floods of imports that are not dumped or subsidized but, because of their volume, cause or threaten serious injury to domestic producers of the same product.

In Canada, safeguard measures come under the Canadian International Trade Tribunal Act, where an inquiry takes place and, if recommended by the Tribunal, are applied under the Customs Tariff Act.

As in the case of dumped or subsidized imports, safeguard measures are designed to protect specific domestic industries and not to deal with overarching national security issues.

Again, because the objective of these remedial measures in international and Canadian trade law is to protect a domestic industry from financial harm due to imports and not to deal with broader questions of national security, the absence of reference to “security” in these various statutes does not seem to be a significant issue.

National Security under International Trade Law

Article XXI of the 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs & Trade (GATT) is the only provision in the entire WTO package that deals with national security. That article (entitled “Security Exceptions”) allows departures from normal trade rules to permit unilateral trade-restrictive measures that a contracting party “considers necessary for the protection of its essential security interests…taken in time of war or other emergency in international relations.”

The drafting of GATT Article XXI dates back to the post-World War II Bretton Woods era. What was considered an international emergency at that time was war, regional armed conflict or a global pandemic like the Asian flu of 1918-1920. The same broad view of international emergency conditions was applied when the Uruguay Round negotiations took place (1991-1994) leading to the conclusion of the WTO Agreement.

With recent cataclysmic changes in the world, whatever the WTO-administered multilateral system might prescribe, governments are moving to protect a range of national (and economic) security concerns by means of unilateral measures in ways that were not envisaged when the Bretton Woods architecture was devised in the late 1940s.

For decades, there was little recourse to Article XXI exceptions. However, their use emerged in the last number of years with the unilateral surcharges imposed by Trump. 

The situation is different – and materially different – in the case of Chinese exports, not only EVs, steel or aluminum but also in technologically advanced or other critical items. These are goods that, by abundant evidence, are heavily subsidized, with massive overcapacity, exported to global markets as part of the Chinese government’s strategy to enhance its geopolitical position – facts uncovered in the EV situation through detailed investigations by the EU and the US.5

Thus, aggressive actions by China and possibly other countries in strategically sensitive areas take the issue beyond the WTO ruling in the US-Section 232 case and raise these to the level of an “emergency in international relations.”

In summary, the concept of an international emergency is much changed in today’s digitized, cyber-intensified world, including the aggressive and destabilizing policies of Chinese state capitalism and other bad actors. The application of GATT/WTO rules drafted in 1947 and updated in the 1990s must be adapted to deal with today’s realities if they are to provide governments with meaningful recourse.

Conclusions

In conclusion, Canada has a panoply of criminal, investment, intelligence gathering and other laws that address national security concerns. However, there is a notable absence of the term “national security” in Canada’s core trade law statutes.

This absence is of concern in the Customs Tariff Act and the Export and Import Permits Act, two important statutes that give the government authority to act to counter injurious imports threatening Canada’s national security.

Given the state of world affairs and the challenges Canada faces from aggressive players like China, Russia, Iran and others, the omissions in these statutes need to be remedied. This should be acted on immediately. There is also a lack of reference to national security in Canada’s sanctions legislation, notably the Special Economic Measures Act (SEMA), the main Canadian sanctions statute. 

Amendments should be made to make security concerns a ground for imposing sanctions here as well. The findings of EU agencies on Chinese BEV after a detailed investigation support the view that Chinese state capitalism and its centrally planned industrial capacity are geared toward dominating world markets in critical goods, part of that country’s geopolitical strategy. These and other similar governmental actions can be said to meet the “emergency in international relations” threshold under the WTO Agreement. 

Given the state of affairs at the WTO, including the paralysis of its dispute settlement system, amendments to or reinterpretation of the GATT rules are difficult, if not impossible. The result is that governments will be resorting to unilateral application of the Article XXI exclusion in their own national security measures. While the situation may evolve at the WTO, and without diminishing Canada’s support for the multilateral rules-based system, the federal government should bring forth measures to add reference to national security interests in the above statutes.  For the Silo, Lawrence L. Herman/ C.D. Howe Institute.

International Economic Policy Council Members 

Co-Chairs: Marta Morgan, Pierre S. Pettigrew Members: Ari Van Assche Stephen Beatty Stuart Bergman Dan Ciuriak Catherine Cobden John Curtis Robert Dimitrieff Rick Ekstein Carolina Gallo Victor Gomez Peter Hall Lawrence Herman Caroline Hughes Jim Keon Jean-Marc Leclerc Meredith Lilly Michael McAdoo Marcella Munro Jeanette Patell Representative, Amazon Canada Joanne Pitkin Rob Stewart Aaron Sydor Daniel Trefle

1 The Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (Pub. L. 87–794, 76 Stat. 872, enacted October 11, 1962, codified at 19 U.S.C. ch. 7); The Trade Act of 1974 (Pub. L. 93–618, 88 Stat. 1978, enacted January 3, 1975, codified at 19 U.S.C. ch. 12).

2 The government announced it was applying these “to encourage a prompt end to the U.S. tariffs, which negatively affect Canadian workers and businesses and threaten to undermine the integrity of the global trading system.” See: “United States Surtax Order (Steel and Aluminum),” Government of Canada, June 28, 2018, https://gazette.gc.ca/rp-pr/p2/2018/2018-07-11/html/sordors152-eng.html. 

3 Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act allows the president to impose import restrictions – but these must be based on an investigation and affirmative determination by the Department of Commerce that certain imports threaten to impair US national security.

4 The array of Canada’s sanctions can be found on the GAC website at: https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/international_relations-relations_internationales/sanctions/current-actuelles.aspx?lang=eng. 

5 The EU measures followed a countervailing duty approach, as opposed to direct action in the case of Canada and the US. In its extremely detailed investigation, EU agencies found, on the basis of massive evidence, that:
“ . . . the BEV [battery electric vehicle] industry is thus regarded as a key/strategic industry, whose development is actively pursued by the GOC as a policy objective. The BEV sector is shown to be of paramount importance for the GOC and receives political support for its accelerated development. Including from vital inputs to the end product. On the basis of the policy documents referred to in this section, the Commission concluded that the GOC intervenes in the BEV industry to implement the related policies and interferes with the free play of market forces in the BEV sector, notably by promoting and supporting the sector through various means and key steps in their production and sale.”See: “Commission Implementing Regulation (EU) 2024/1866,” European Union, July 3, 2024, at para. 253, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/reg_impl/2024/1866/oj

Fashion

Africa Becoming New Global Fashion Leader?

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Today Audrey Azoulay, UNESCO’s Director-General, unveiled a report arguing that the continent has all it takes to become one of the next global fashion leaders, if public decision-makers offer greater support to all those who work in the sector and play a role in the fashion ecosystem.

Fashion is really taking off in Africa, and this report shows that it can be developed even further. In order to achieve this, designers, professionals and the entire production and distribution infrastructure need more support from public decision-makers. The potential is enormous, not only for the economy, but also for young people’s inclusion, women’s empowerment and for African culture to resonate globally.

Audrey Azoulay, Director-General of UNESCO, at the launch of the report at Lagos Fashion Week.

Entitled “The Fashion Sector in Africa: Trends, Challenges and Opportunities for Growth”, the UNESCO analysis shows that the continent holds all the cards to become one of the next world fashion leaders. It is a major producer of raw materials – 37 out of 54 countries produce cotton -, an exporter of textiles to the value of $15.5 billion a year, and an importer of textiles, clothing and footwear to the value of $23.1 billion a year.

There is a growing consumer trend on the continent for fashion Made-in-Africa, particularly among young people – the under-25s account for 50% of the continent’s total population – and among the burgeoning middle class – which already make up more than 35% of the population – opening up new consumer markets. Africa is also experiencing very rapid growth in the digital sector, which is facilitating intra-African trade and the emergence of young talent.

As evidenced by the 32 Fashion Weeks held each year, Africa is also brimming with talent in the fields of haute couture, crafts and clothing. A 42% increase in demand for African haute couture is expected over the next 10 years.

In its report, UNESCO highlights 4 challenges which governments and decision-makers must tackle if they want to realize the potential of Africa’s fashion sector:

1.    Legal protections for designers and professionals need to be strengthened, in terms of intellectual property rights, remuneration levels, working conditions and the ability to organize into professional unions and social rights. With this aim, UNESCO is already helping 23 African countries to improve the status of artists through legislation and regulations.

2.    Investment must be made in small and medium-sized enterprises, which today account for 90% of businesses in the fashion sector in Africa. Covering the entire continent, they are the gatekeepers of the diversity of cultural practices and expression. Generators of local employment, they are also a powerful lever for giving young people who want to enter the sector a chance.

3.    Environmental standards need to be set. While the fashion industry remains one of the most polluting industries, Africa can make greater use of local materials, innovate around sustainable textiles, and raise awareness of sustainable consumption patterns. Production of organic cotton fibre in Africa has already risen by 90% between 2019 and 2020, and now accounts for 7.3% of global production. The second-hand clothing market is one of the most dynamic in the world – representing a third of global imports – but still suffers from a lack of recycling channels, with 40% of these garments ending up in landfill sites, or even in oceans and rivers.

4.    Both the transmission of savoir-faire, and formal training need to be improved. Africa is rich in traditional skills and unique textile techniques, some of which are already protected by UNESCO. The report encourages countries to set up mentoring schemes to ensure that these practices are passed on from generation to generation and can continue to inspire young designers. At the same time, UNESCO is calling for an increase in the number of qualifications available in key related professions – quality control, commercial law, marketing – and in training in new technologies, such as 3D printing and e-commerce.

“Across the continent, people are increasingly looking for products ‘Made in Africa’ which they see as a symbol of pride and a way to affirm their identity. But in order to meet this growing demand, the entire production chain needs to be strengthened. This UNESCO report is useful because it maps out the path to achieve this, and it will increase the awareness of public decision-makers”, said Omoyemi Akerele, the Director of Lagos Fashion Week. 

UNESCO supports creative industries in Africa

The Organization’s commitment to the development of a dynamic creative economy in Africa is in line with the principles set out in the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Recently, UNESCO has produced a series of reports on the strategic importance of cultural and creative industries in Africa, including, a report on African cinema published in 2021, The film industry in Africa: trends, challenges and opportunities for growth.

Culture

Landmarks of Ancient Yemen added to UNESCO’s World Heritage List

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Paris, January, 2023 – The World Heritage Committee meeting in an extraordinary session on Thursday inscribed the Landmarks of the Ancient Kingdom of Saba, Marib (Yemen) on the List of World Heritage in Danger.


The Landmarks of the Ancient Kingdom of Saba, Marib, is a serial property comprising seven archaeological sites that bear witness to the rich Kingdom of Saba and its architectural, aesthetic and technological achievements from the 1st millennium BCE to the arrival of Islam around 630 CE.

Yemen’s recorded history started when it was known as Saba/Sheba three thousand years ago, on the main spice route from the east to Europe, and was rich and powerful. The Queen of Sheba’s visit to King Solomon appears in both the Bible and the Koran.


They bear witness to the complex centralized administration of the Kingdom when it controlled much of the incense route across the Arabian Peninsula, playing a key role in the wider network of cultural exchange fostered by trade with the Mediterranean and East Africa.


Located in a semi-arid landscape of valleys, mountains and deserts, the property encompasses the remains of large urban settlements with monumental temples, ramparts and other buildings.

The irrigation system of ancient Ma’rib reflects technological prowess in hydrological engineering and agriculture on a scale unparalleled in ancient South Arabia, resulting in the creation of the largest ancient man-made oasis.

Marib Dam photos before and after the destruction. photo: German Archaeological Institute/Burkhard Vogt


The World Heritage Committee used an emergency procedure to inscribe this site on the List of World Heritage in Danger, due to threats of destruction from the ongoing conflict.


The List of World Heritage in Danger provides access to enhanced international assistance, both technical and financial, and helps mobilize the entire international community for the protection of sites.

Culture

UNESCO Seeks To Open Markets For Global South Cultural Goods

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Paris, 30 May – Experts, stakeholders and government representatives will examine ways to improve exports of cultural products from the Global South, reinforce cultural entrepreneurship and improve the status of artists during the biennial meeting of the signatories to UNESCO’s Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, at the Organization’s Headquarters from 5 to 7 June.

Government officials and cultural professionals will address these and other issues at three Create|2030 debates during the session:

Rebalancing trade flows: making the case for preferential treatment in culture, will examine ways to open markets to cultural goods and services from the Global South, in line with the Convention’s binding provision to grant them preferential treatment in international trade.  Cultural goods and services from developing countries currently only account for 26.5% of the global trade in this rapidly growing sector. Panelists will also examine how the concentration of creative content on large online platforms is impacting the distribution of cultural products and expressions. (7 June, 10 am—1 pm, Room II)

Strengthening cultural entrepreneurship: The International Fund for Cultural Diversity (IFCD) will discuss investments in vocational training andbring together beneficiaries of UNESCO’s IFCD from Brazil, Cambodia, Colombia and Senegal. The Fund, which aims to address the gap between developed and developing countries in the creative economy, has provided more than 10,000 artists and cultural professionals with new skills in project management, business and career development to date. (6 June, 10 am—1 pm, Room II)

Rethinking the status of the artist will explore ways to enhance the professional, social and economic conditions of artists through policies concerning training, social security, employment, income, taxation, mobility and freedom of expression. (6 June, 2—5 pm, Room II)

During the meeting, participants will also examine an Open Roadmap designed to strengthen the Parties’ capacities to promote the diversity of cultural expressions in the digital age, as well as other innovative policy practices. Priorities in line with the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development will be set for the next two years, with particular attention to gender equality, fundamental freedoms, quality education, economic growth, decent jobs, and equality between countries.

The 2005 Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions provides a framework for the design of policies and measures that support the emergence of dynamic cultural and creative industries around the world. The 146 Parties (145 States and the European Union) that have ratified the Convention meet at UNESCO every two years to examine its impact and determine future action. Twelve new Members will be elected to the Convention’s Intergovernmental Committee during the session.

Sci-Tech

WatchBox App By Govberg Curates And Helps Source Watches

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In 2016, consumers spent an estimated $14.3 USD billion on gifts for Father’s Day alone, not to mention billions more on gifts for other occasions like birthdays and winter holidays. Traditional “guy gifts” include things like power tools and sporting event tickets. However, if you’re looking for a quintessential men’s gift that’s truly timeless, then you may want to turn to the WatchBox by Govberg app for an assist with what to get for the deserving dudes in your life.

This apt app serves as a resource for locating the exact gift-able watch he’s sure to love. Or, if you also enjoy beautiful timepieces, then this app can help you discover what’s currently available in the marketplace. Whether for yourself or as a gift for another, WatchBox by Govberg is an elegant and streamlined way to curate collection-worthy watches—something the folks behind this app know a great deal about. Established a century ago, Govberg Jewelers is a premier purveyor of luxury timepieces, known for their unrivaled offerings that include limited-production models by leading watchmakers; an extensive pre-owned inventory; and decidedly service-minded industry experts.

The app offers several different features a true timepiece enthusiast will find useful. This includes access to up-to-date news from the watch world. This information is gathered in real-time from all over the globe, aggregating and delivering articles and video reviews from a myriad of popular blogs and magazines devoted to Swiss watches, including all of the industry’s leading brands.

Users can also discover the worth of different watches. Whether you want to sell a watch, buy a new or pre-owned model, make a trade, or are just curious about what a new or used (secondary market) watch you own is currently selling for, the WatchBox by Govberg app boasts pricing tools like a database packed with information on over 80,000 watch models. This includes a 12-month price history for each. With this foundational and in-depth knowledge base, you can intelligently buy, sell, and trade luxury timepieces and generally communicate with other users—or even Govberg’s own watch buying experts—right from the app.

Danny Govberg

The advent of this app’s secondary market watch pricing tools, in particular, is significant. According to Danny Govberg, CEO of Govberg Jewelers, “Prior to the WatchBox by Govberg app, dialogue about the value of pre-owned watches wasn’t addressed elsewhere in a consistent, transparent manner; nor was it designed to support and educate the consumer. While manufacturers establish MSRPs for primary (new) watches, there was no resource, no Kelley Blue Book or Zillow, for the pre-owned, or secondary, market watch category to help consumers feel at ease.  That changes with this app…For the first time in the watch category, Govberg is providing transparency into what pieces trade for on the secondary, or pre-owned, market.”

Quite fascinating is the proprietary algorithm the app uses to estimate and compute market value. Govberg explains, “It evaluates historical and active sales records spanning the secondary market–online sales platforms, auction sales and Govberg’s own data. The data represents final sales to end users, and is not an appraisal nor offer to buy, but rather an educated starting point to assess the secondary market value of a particular model. All pricing makes assumptions on the quality, service history and completeness of a timepiece with original box and paperwork. The data strength takes into account the number of data points captured, the variability of the prices seen on the secondary market, how current the data is and the quality of the source/vendor within the market.”


Impressively, this app will even store information and photos of your existing watch collection. This can be a useful tool to keep up with warranties, service history and to maintain a record for insurance purposes. Also of practical use, you can even schedule watch maintenance and repairs from within the app.

According to Govberg, “As more customers see watch ownership less about having a time-telling device and more as a hobby for collecting the world’s most intricate instruments, WatchBox by Govberg supports the growing watch enthusiast with instant access to valuable information so he can make the best decisions to begin, grow, trade or sell his collection.”

Relative to gift-giving, instead of spending hours upon hours hunting for an idea in general—or for a specific timepiece—that the recipient might like, you can simply turn to this easy-to-use tech. You’ll save time, money and the guesswork often involved in finding the perfect present for those “special someones.”

Govberg perhaps summarizes the usefulness of this technology best, noting, “Whether you want to keep up on the latest industry news and product releases, manage your watch collection for social sharing or insurance purposes, or buy, sell or trade a new or pre-owned watch, WatchBox by Govberg is the ultimate toolbox for today’s watch collector.”

The free WatchBox by Govberg app is available for download for iOS devices on the App Store and Android devices in the Play Store.

For The Silo, By Merilee Kern, ‘The Luxe List’ Executive Editor.

As the Executive Editor and Producer of “The Luxe List,” Merilee Kern is an internationally-regarded consumer product trends expert and hospitality industry voice of authority–a travel, dining, leisure and lifestyle expert who spotlights noteworthy marketplace innovations, change makers, movers and shakers. She identifies and reports on exemplary travel destinations and experiences, extraordinary events and newsworthy products and services across all categories. Reach her online at www.TheLuxeList.com, on Twitter at www.Twitter.com/LuxeListEditor, on Facebook at www.Facebook.com/TheLuxeList and on Instagram at www.Instagram.com/LuxeListReviews.


***Some or all of the accommodations(s), experience(s), item(s) and/or service(s) detailed above may have been provided or sponsored at no cost to accommodate this review, but all opinions expressed are entirely those of Merilee Kern and have not been influenced in any way.***

Sources:


https://nrf.com/media/press-releases/fathers-day-spending-reach-record-high-143-billion

Featured image & all photos courtesy of  Govberg Watches.

Politics

Ontario Greens: Canada European Union Trade Deal Extends To Municipalities

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The official description from the Government of Canada is that CETA "is by far the most ambitious trade initiative" image: canada-eu.gc.ca
The official description from the Government of Canada is that CETA “is by far the most ambitious trade initiative” image: canada-eu.gc.ca

Ontario Greens are calling for a public review on the EU trade deal before its final approval.

(Queen’s Park): GPO leader Mike Schreiner is demanding that Premier Wynne conduct a public review on CETA (Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement) before Ontario approves the deal.

“The people of Ontario deserve the right to accept or reject CETA’s sweeping changes before the deal is finalized,” says Schreiner. “Ontario cannot let CETA sell out local decision making, local purchasing policies, and sovereignty over our natural resources and public services without
a public debate on costs and benefits.”

The GPO has raised concerns over CETA in the past. In a letter to then Premier McGuinty last year, the GPO asked to Premier to:

* exempt natural resources, local purchasing programs, public utilities and services such as education and health care, and municipalities from CETA;
* demand open and transparent negotiations, and
* insist the dispute mechanisms are open and fair.

In this excerpt: A look back at what NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Act from 20 years ago) proposals looked like and their predicted impacts. Essay by E.Bernard http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/lwp/nafta.pdf
In this excerpt: A look back at what NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Act from 20 years ago) proposals looked like and their predicted impacts. Essay by E.Bernard
http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/lwp/nafta.pdf

“The Green Party supports free, fair trade with Europe, but NAFTA has taught us that we need to think these things through to prevent
expensive problems after the treaty is signed,” says Schreiner. “Ontarians need to be in control of fundamental decisions about their province and their economy.”

This would be the first trade deal that extends to provinces and municipalities. Over 50 municipalities and school boards have sought an exemption from CETA.

“Ontario must have a public review before approving such sweeping changes to our democratic institutions and local economies,” says Schreiner. “We can’t sell out our sovereignty to multi-national corporations without the people having a voice on the final details of this deal.” For the Silo, Becky Smit

Supplemental- What exactly is CETA supposed to be? http://www.actionplan.gc.ca/en/content/ceta-aecg/canada-eu-trade-agreement

In 2009 conspiracy reports of a Super NAFTA highway made headlines in the US. Here is a CNN brief:

Legislative Assembly Manitoba From 2007- Announcements of a Winnipeg ‘in land port’ with preclearance for international shipping , and a super NAFTA highway joining Manitoba with the US and Mexico via a mid continent trade corridor: