Living in a rural location has its perks. It’s peaceful, it’s quiet, and you’re out the way of all that city centre pollution. Bliss. However, when it comes to keeping up with technology, it can become a bit of a broadband nightmare.
In this piece, we’ll be delving into the struggles that people living in rural communities are facing and find out what is being done by the government and other people in the rural communities to help get these affected areas better connected in the 21st century.
For example, we’ll be showing you via the infographic below just why rural communities have such a poor internet connection and what one MBE industry leader is doing to help. We’ll discover the future of deliveries to rural areas, take a look at a trust that is installing defibrillators in phone boxes and much more.
Compliments of fuelfighter.co.uk Click me for more!
Another reality is that Canada is putting a price on carbon, the nature of which is still being negotiated with the provinces. With national carbon pricing being the new reality, Opposition Leader Patrick Brown has written an open letter to Justin Trudeau indicating that Kathleen Wynne’s cap and trade law “does not have Ontario’s best interests at heart,” and requesting that Ontario cap-and-trade be removed from the Trudeau carbon pricing system. I’m not holding my breath on that one.
The problem with the provincial cap and trade tax and the federal price on carbon is that going electric is neither technologically nor economically feasible for most, thanks to the Ontario Liberal’s Green Energy Act. I also voted against that bill. The cap and trade tax system serves as a stick to try and modify behavior without offering a viable alternative and without a carrot to reward changes made, other than using the revenue for more subsidies for things like electric cars and Toronto transit.
As Ontario’s Official Opposition we have committed to dismantle the cap and trade system ever bearing in mind the federal government is mandating all provinces put a price on carbon.
On January 1, the province capped greenhouse emissions and will sell allowances to companies who have to exceed the cap. The province will lower the cap over time. Companies exceeding their cap can also buy additional allowances, or if they come in below their annual limit, can sell their emission allowances to other companies within a market comprised of Ontario, Quebec and California.
It is estimated Ontario businesses will be paying $300 million a year to California.
We maintain the government is so desperate to hike taxes, they have rejected a revenue-neutral plan – cap-and-trade money will disappear into general revenues.
Cap and trade has clearly not been designed to return money to those paying – it is a blatant $2 billion-a-year tax grab under the guise of environmentalism. It will seriously impact everyone’s pocket book. Oil refineries for example will pass their recovery costs of cap and trade to their customers at the pumps. It subtracts money from people, not only for gasoline, diesel, propane, natural gas, heating oil and aviation fuel but also for groceries, clothing and other consumer goods produced and delivered by carbon-fueled plant, equipment and transportation.
Ontario drivers are being treated like clowns.
Ontario’s Auditor General reports the cap and trade tax will cost families an extra $156 this year for gasoline and natural gas, rising to $210 by 2019. Added transportation costs for goods and services will be another $75 per household by 2019.
We are committed to dismantling the cap and trade scheme and the Green Energy Act. This is the best way to ensure people’s hard-earned money stays exactly where it should stay…in their pockets.
In conclusion, I ask you the reader – where do we go from here? There probably won’t be an election until June 2018 and this is the time to consult on policy.
Click me!
Provincially, the Ontario PC Party has committed to dismantle the Wynne cap and trade law, as well as the Green Energy Act. However, carbon pricing is now the reality in Canada and Ontario will be bound by the Trudeau price on carbon. For the Silo, Haldimand-Norfolk MPP Toby Barrett.
(Palm Beach, FL) – President-elect Donald J. Trump released the following statement in response to the attached letter from Russian President Vladimir Putin.
“A very nice letter from Vladimir Putin; his thoughts are so correct. I hope both sides are able to live up to these thoughts, and we do not have to travel an alternate path.”
Click on the hyperlink above to read the full letter.
I began writing this post after an annual viewing pilgrimage of sorts. Each year on the eve of shopping’s busiest day, I crack open the well worn plastic jewel case and fire up the DVD player. It’s a fictional account but based in fact and is very entertaining and I can’t help but wonder what “might have been” after watching CBC’s 1996 mini-series “the Arrow” again. [You can watch this right here at the end of this post CP]
Over the decades fact and fiction have become tangled but the basic truths remain intact. In the late 1950’s a highly advanced jet interceptor designed to seek (and if necessary destroy) Russian nuclear bombers was conceived, designed, built and flown in Canada by a predominantly Canadian team. Here’s where things get fuzzy. The Arrow was developed when the federal Liberal party were in power but was finished and flown when the Conservatives were in power. It represented not only the technological capability of Canada’s aviation industry- but also the econo-political agenda of the mid-twentieth Century. So what happened at that time to help spell the doom of the Arrow?
-The ICBM- intercontinental ballistic missile was viewed as the future of warfare not the nuclear bomber. This meant that a jet interceptor was obsolete because it would be unable to intercept approaching missiles.
-Bad timing: on the day of the rollout of the very first completed Arrow, the Russians launched Sputnik, the world’s first artificial satellite. In the public eye jets seemed unimportant.
-The American Bomarc missile system was designed to intercept incoming nuclear bombers and ballistic nuclear missiles. The Bomarc had a small nuclear warhead which would detonate in the pathway of approaching missiles (or bombers) and create a nuclear ‘shield’. The Bomarc was highly controversial at the time because our Prime Minister did not want nuclear missiles on Canadian territory. However, our Defence Minister did not agree and eventually resigned over the matter. This defence ‘split’ exacerbated the Arrow program and any chance for an Arrow squadron legacy.
-The Canadian designed Iroquois engines were not readied in time and were not fitted into the Arrow. These engines were innovative and theoretically could have propelled the Arrow to speeds of Mach 2.5 or possibly Mach 3.0- far beyond every fighter of the time with the exception of secret black technology projects like the American Blackbird SR-71. Had the Canadian engines been readied and proven, there seems little doubt that international orders would have offset some of the Arrow’s mounting costs.
Black Friday…….almost 15,000 workers lose their job.
There is no official record of just who ordered the destruction of the remaining Arrows. Other than a few recovered test models, an incomplete cockpit and a few seconds of in flight film, nothing remains of this wonderful airplane . For the Silo, Jarrod Barker.
The completed Arrows being cut up and readied for a Hamilton,ON scrap dealer.
2015’s historic JFK 50th assassination Special was a riveting and powerful demonstration of media technology. We co-hosted the CBS feature which “rebroadcast” their original assassination television coverage in real-time, fully and completely. Every detail was reproduced exactly as it was shown on that fateful day- even the interruption of a certain soap opera with the first “bulletin” announcement. Live internet coverage began at 1:38 EDT exactly 50 years to the minute of the initial CBS news broadcasts.
If you have any #JFK thoughts (perhaps you even remember that fateful day)- or if you watch the archived live stream please share your feelings by commenting below at the end of this post. We will respect all requests for anonymity.
In the meantime, you may want to view Newsmax TV documentary: “I killed JFK” claiming to showcase a newly revealed “confessed killer”. In 1978 a US Congressional Investigation into Kennedy’s death determined that there were likely more than one shooter/killer.
JFK visits Ottawa 1961:
@CBSNews live tweeting during this historical rebroadcast event- image:CBS Twitter
(New York, NY)- President-elect Donald J. Trump today announced that Trump for President CEO Stephen K. Bannon will serve as Chief Strategist and Senior Counselor to the President, and Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus will serve as White House Chief of Staff. Bannon and Priebus will continue the effective leadership team they formed during the campaign, working as equal partners to transform the federal government, making it much more efficient, effective and productive. Bannon and Priebus will also work together with Vice President-elect Mike Pence to help lead the transition process in the run-up to Inauguration Day.
“I am thrilled to have my very successful team continue with me in leading our country,” said President-elect Trump. “Steve and Reince are highly qualified leaders who worked well together on our campaign and led us to a historic victory. Now I will have them both with me in the White House as we work to make America great again.”
Photo: Reuters News. Did you know? Reuters computer predicted large Republican win for presidency? Click image for more info.
“I want to thank President-elect Trump for the opportunity to work with Reince in driving the agenda of the Trump Administration,” noted Bannon. “We had a very successful partnership on the campaign, one that led to victory. We will have that same partnership in working to help President-elect Trump achieve his agenda.”
“It is truly an honor to join President-elect Trump in the White House as his Chief of Staff,” added Priebus. “I am very grateful to the President-elect for this opportunity to serve him and this nation as we work to create an economy that works for everyone, secure our borders, repeal and replace Obamacare and destroy radical Islamic terrorism. He will be a great President for all Americans.” For the Silo, Trump For America, Inc.
The province has appointed the Honourable Hugh Segal to provide advice on the design and implementation of a Basic Income Pilot in Ontario, as announced in the 2016 Budget.
Basic income, or guaranteed annual income, is a payment to eligible families or individuals that ensures a minimum level of income. Ontario will design and implement a pilot program to test the growing view that a basic income could help deliver income support more efficiently, while improving health, employment and housing outcomes for Ontarians.
As Special Advisor on Basic Income, Mr. Segal will draw on his expertise in Canadian and international models of basic income and consult with thought leaders to help Ontario design a pilot.
Mr. Segal will deliver a discussion paper to the province by the fall to help inform the design and implementation of the pilot, on a pro bono basis. The discussion paper will include advice about potential criteria for selecting target populations and/or locations, delivery models and advice about how the province could evaluate the results of the Basic Income Pilot. Ontario will undertake further engagement with experts, communities and other stakeholders as it moves towards design and implementation.
Supporting Ontarians through a Basic Income Pilot is part of the government’s economic plan to build Ontario up and deliver on its number-one priority to grow the economy and create jobs. The four-part plan includes investing in talent and skills, including helping more people get and create the jobs of the future by expanding access to high-quality college and university education. The plan is making the largest investment in public infrastructure in Ontario’s history and investing in a low-carbon economy driven by innovative, high-growth, export-oriented businesses. The plan is also helping working Ontarians achieve a more secure retirement.
QUOTES
“Ontario is taking a leading role in piloting a modern Basic Income, and we are thrilled that the Honourable Hugh Segal will be lending us his considerable expertise in this regard. We want to ensure that we are developing a thoughtful, evidence-based approach to test the idea of a Basic Income, and we look forward to Mr. Segal’s advice as we begin this work.”
— Dr. Helena Jaczek, Minister of Community and Social Services
“I am delighted to be working with the government to help lay the groundwork for a Basic Income Pilot in Ontario. The potential for a Basic Income to transform income security in Ontario and across the country is tremendous, and I look forward to contributing to this bold initiative.”
— The Honourable Hugh Segal
QUICK FACTS
Finland, Netherlands and Kenya are all looking at developing pilot projects that test the idea of a basic or annual guaranteed income.
MINCOME in 1975-78 tested the idea of a guaranteed annual income in Dauphin, Manitoba.
Send us your thoughts via smart device and computer videocamera-[vidrack align="center"]
L’Ontario va de l’avant avec le Projet pilote portant sur le revenu de base
La province nomme Hugh Segal conseiller special
La province a nommé l’honorable Hugh Segal pour lui donner des conseils sur la conception et la mise en œuvre d’un Projet pilote portant sur le revenu de base en Ontario, tel qu’annoncé dans le budget de 2016.
Le revenu de base, ou revenu annuel garanti, représente un paiement versé aux familles ou aux particuliers admissibles. Il garantit un niveau de revenu minimum. L’Ontario concevra et mettra en œuvre un programme pilote pour confirmer l’hypothèse voulant qu’un revenu minimum contribue à accorder un soutien du revenu de façon plus efficace, tout en améliorant les résultats en matière de santé, d’emploi et de logement pour les Ontariens et les Ontariennes.
En tant que conseiller spécial pour le revenu de base, M. Segal fera appel à sa connaissance des modèles de revenu de base canadiens et internationaux et consultera des dirigeants pour aider l’Ontario à concevoir un projet pilote.
Segal remettra un document de discussion à la province d’ici à l’automne sur lequel l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre du projet pilote reposeront et ce, de façon bénévole. Le document de discussion inclura des conseils sur les critères éventuels de sélection des groupes cibles et/ou des lieux, des modèles de prestation et des conseils sur le mode d’évaluation par la province des résultats du Projet pilote portant sur le revenu de base. L’Ontario entamera un dialogue supplémentaire avec des spécialistes, des communautés et d’autres intervenants dans le cadre de l’élaboration et de la mise en œuvre de ce projet pilote.
Offrir un soutien aux Ontariens et aux Ontariennes grâce à un Projet pilote portant sur le revenu de base s’inscrit dans le plan économique du gouvernement, qui vise à favoriser l’essor de l’Ontario et à concrétiser sa principale priorité, à savoir stimuler l’économie et créer des emplois. Ce plan en quatre volets consiste à investir dans les talents et les compétences, tout en aidant plus de gens à obtenir et à créer les emplois de l’avenir en élargissant l’accès à des études collégiales et universitaires de haute qualité. De plus, le plan fait le plus important investissement dans l’infrastructure publique de l’histoire de l’Ontario et investit dans une économie sobre en carbone guidée par des entreprises innovatrices, à forte croissance et axées sur l’exportation. Enfin, le plan aide la population ontarienne active à bénéficier d’une retraite plus sure.
CITATIONS
« L’Ontario adopte un rôle de chef de file pour introduire sous forme de projet pilote un revenu de base moderne. Nous sommes ravis que l’honorable Hugh Segal mette son expertise considérable à notre service. Nous voulons nous assurer d’élaborer une approche réfléchie, fondée sur des données probantes, pour tester le concept de revenu de base. Nous comptons sur les conseils de M. Segal dans le cadre du lancement de ces travaux. »
— Dre Helena Jaczek, ministre des Services sociaux et communautaires
« Je suis ravi de collaborer avec le gouvernement pour jeter les bases d’un Projet pilote portant sur le revenu de base en Ontario. Le revenu de base pourrait transformer radicalement la sécurité du revenu en Ontario et dans tout le pays. Je suis heureux de contribuer à cette initiative audacieuse. »
— L’honorable Hugh Segal
FAITS EN BREF
La Finlande, les Pays-Bas et le Kenya songent tous à concevoir des projets pilotes qui testeront la notion de revenu de base ou de revenu annuel garanti.
MINCOME a testé en 1975-1978 l’idée d’un revenu annuel garanti à Dauphin, au Manitoba.
Building a better and more cohesive environment through collaboration
Washington, D.C. – “Meditate the Vote – the Real Conversation” is the brainchild of the globally broadcast America Meditating Radio Show. In the midst of the election fever and the buzz that follows it, it is even more important that the citizenry is brought together to converse on mutual issues to create a better and more cohesive understanding of ways of moving the country forward and making the world a better place. Can getting into our Zen zone help Americans to decide who they vote for or what they do regardless of who enters office?
The #MeditatetheVote grassroots campaign to bring respect, compassion and a peaceful dialog to our election process, intends to create an avenue where people from diverse backgrounds can express their views via various means of social media including Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube and gatherings in homes and other venues. This campaign, supported by an alliance of friends, thought leaders and organizations from around the country, will be launched on the 1st of May, coinciding with the start of National Meditation Month and will continue leading up to Election Day on the 8th of November, 2016.
Our goal is simple. Meditate the Vote simply asks folks to amplify the quality of conversation using the Meditate the Vote questions to stimulate more inclusivity and partnership in the country as we lead up to Election Day on November 8th. Meditate the Vote does not endorse any candidate or political party. It is a movement to socially engage all folks into a higher and more cohesive way of working together as a people and a country.
The internet and social media platforms will be used in spreading the word with participants making videos saying “I, Meditate the Vote” and why, as well as sharing feedback from their conversations using Meditate the Vote questions.
There is also the Pause for Peace App available for users of Android and iOS devices to allow for constant communication, meditations and videos, and for listening to the America Meditating Radio Show featuring various prominent thought leaders sharing methods for personal development. For the Silo, Antonia Silvera.
About America Meditating
America Meditating was launched in June 2012, as a nationwide initiative to promote unity and peace as everyone is encouraged to pause for moments throughout the day to reflect within and create an environment where love, respect, and trust reign.
It subsequently resulted in the birth of the popular America Meditating Radio Show hosted by teacher and motivational speaker, Sister Jenna. The program is available across the globe on numerous platforms including Blog Talk Radio, iTunes, Stitcher, Aha Radio, Speaker, the Pause for Peace App, and the Player.FM App.
Supplemental: The David Lynch Foundation was established to ensure that any child in America who wants to learn and practice the Transcendental Meditation program can do so.
OCCUPY BLACK ROCK! THE METAPOLITICS OF BURNING MAN by MARK VAN PROYEN
As annual journalistic rituals go, the annual Time Magazine “Person of the Year” has been the most enduring barometer of the spirit of the moment of its announcement. For close to a century, the banner was “Man of the Year,” but after Corazon Aquino and Queen Elizabeth smiled at the world from the front cover of that influential publication, gender neutrality became the preferred modality. In 1982 “the computer” received the coveted award, so gender went out the window altogether. But the 2011 award was given to “the protestor,” and the representative image was a masked face of an angry-eyed anonymous person.
TOP Black Rock City from above Photo: AJPN Anthony Peterson BOTTOM Black Rock City seen from Old Razorback Mountain Photo: Peretz Partensky
This image followed a long year of public demonstrations that started at Cairo’s Tafir Square in late January 2011, spread to the shores of Tripoli and then moved on to Damascus. In September 2011, it arrived in New York’s Zucotti Park, a tiny sliver of public space surrounded on all sides by the world’s most prominent financial institutions. According to the surging multitudes that participated in what would come to be known as Occupy Wall Street, those institutions were evil, and needed to be called into account.It took the major media a full ten days to report the story of the occupation of that little park, although the story had already been thoroughly distributed via social media networks. The movement’s rhetoric was ingeniously crafted for those modes of distribution, and usually took the form of declarative slogans. These proclaimed that the protestors represented the 99 per cent of the American population that would no longer stand for being fleeced by irresponsible government tax policies, a lack of regulation of the financial markets and a vast system of political bribes routinely called “campaign contributions.” Conservative commentators squealed “Class War!” in comic disregard of an OWS placard reminding its readers “they call it class war when we fight back!” From the OWS point of view, that war had been ongoing since Ronald Reagan’s first term in office. When the major media did get around to picking up the story, “What do they want?” or “What are their demands?” were published everywhere, as if the protestors were unintelligible in their calls for economic justice and political fair play. OWS did not give in to the “demand for demands” and this is crucially important, because their movement never was nor is now a conventional exercise in political advocacy. It is much better to describe it as a case of spontaneous socio-cultural upheaval intended to reshape contemporary political priorities into a more ethical form. In an America where an uber- wealthy minority has garnered a proportionally larger piece of the economic pie for decades, one might have anticipated that the protesters would have adopted a more conventional form of utopian rhetoric. But theirs was decidedly pragmatist. They pointed at real problems that could and should be solved in a political practice governed by simple sanity. One sign read, “I don’t mind you being rich. I mind you buying my government out from under me.” The sign referred to the draconian political atmosphere created when the Supreme Court voted five to four to overturn the McCain/Feingold Campaign Reform Act in the now infamous Citizens United vs Federal Election Commission decision of 2010. 3
The real issue at stake in the Occupy Movement’s actions is the control that money exerts over the political process. The movement reveals the plutocratic Achilles heel of neoliberal corporatism’s claim that it is more democratic than its chief rivals in model government. I call these rivals “state capitalism” and “theocratic tribalism,” and intend them to be non-euphemistic names for what are conventionally called socialism and religion-based social organization. Because of its distinctly modern emphasis on upholding the prerogatives of individual political actors, neoliberal corporatism is easy to sell as the ideology of choice for free thinkers. But, as history shows, free thinking never stays free for long, because it too has to live in a marketplace of encouragements and discouragements governed by instrumental rationales that are epiphenomenal to the formation and protection of wealth. In other words, those who have the gold set the standards, regardless of any vision of or obligation to social fair play. This insures that instrumental reason will always protect itself from any utopian vision so that in the realms of conventional discourse, we are always given an “intelligentsia” that functions as the public face of bureaucracy and policy. However “oppositional” its posture of hidden loyalty might be, it will nonetheless always end up fleeing from the Socratic mandate that philosophical thinking helps its aspirants to actually live better. From the point of view of the Occupy movement, that mandate desperately needs to be returned to the core of any thinking that seeks to establish anything resembling a political priority.
When I refer to model forms of governmentality, I am not pointing to any operational political entity, any and all of which are circumstantial admixtures of the three models of neo-liberalism, state capitalism and tribal theocracy all achieving legibility much in the same way that tertiary colors do through the mixture of the primary hues of red, yellow and blue. For example, social democracy is really a blend of neo-liberal corporatism and state capitalism. Another example reminds us that there will always be a black market of goods and subversive ideology working in the shadows of any state capitalist system, or for that matter, within any theocratic tribe. Any system configured around any of these three model forms will also contain latent aspects of one or both of the others, arranged into dominant and subordinate formations. These are always in a perpetual state of change and reconsolidation.
They are also always in a state of subtle redefinition, and the factors that shape these redefinitions can sometimes come from surprising vectors. The Occupy Wall Street movement is one such example, surprising in that it refuses to operate according to the rules of normative political advocacy. Whereas the extremely conservative Tea Party rallies held during the previous year were examples of a durable tradition of anti-government American populism, the OWS movement is representative of an equally durable anti-bank populism that has a long-standing place in American history reaching back to early colonial laws against debtors’ prisons. Even though the two groups blamed different entities for the economic misery that swept the land after the 2008 financial crisis, there is an important difference: in an act of support for the second amendment, Tea Party activists often brought guns to their rallies. The only firearms seen at Occupy Wall Street (and its more contentious sister event, Occupy Oakland) were in the hands of over-zealous law enforcement officers. Occupy Wall Street events are significantly more complicated animals than their Tea Party predecessors. The movement has gone far out of its way not to be co-opted by the mass media or any collection of candidates for public office. Conversely, the Tea Party groups were all too happy to be ventriloquized by Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News affiliates. OWS had a justifiable concern that any such affiliation would inevitably lead to the seven stages of political futility: cooptation, division, dilution, pacification, neutralization, disappointment and betrayal. Because of these concerns, what one sees coming out of the Occupy movement is not an exercise of politics defined by the normal terms and conditions of any conventional political science. Rather, it operates as an example of what Alain Badiou has called a Metapolitics, that is, a strategic restaging of the ethical grounds by which political matters are imagined, understood, debated and acted upon. According to Badiou, Metapolitics is a form of “Resistance by Logic.” 4
No group, no class, no social configuration or mental objective was behind the Resistance… there was nothing in the course of this sequence which could have been described in terms of objective groups, be they ‘workers’ or ‘philosophers’…. Let us say that this resistance, proceeding by logic, is not an opinion. Rather, it is a logical rupture with dominant and circulating opinions…. For the contemporary philosophical situation is one where, on the ruins on the doctrine of classes and class consciousness, attempts are made on all sides to restore the primacy of morality. 5
It is particularly interesting to look at Badiou’s metapolitical thesis in light of his larger project to transform the most basic grounds of philosophical inquiry so as to place greater emphasis on ethics. He is well known for proposing a change in the basic categories of philosophy (metaphysics, ethics, logic and epistemology), seeking to restage them as the interdependent “truth procedures” of “art, love, politics and science.” 6
His metapolitical restaging of the truth procedure of political science can be understood to be of a piece with his postulation of an ethical “inaesthetics.” This seeks to deny the meditative subject/object relationship of contemplation with something suffused with “immanence and singularity,” leading to a “transfiguration of the given.” The Occupy Wall Street movement has followed suit on this score, fashioning itself as an immanent and singular metapolitical gesture that has embraced a unique resistance by logic that was and still is a vigorous disruption of logic. It has accomplished this by staging a theatrical moment that calls attention to the withering state of the commons, that being the place of democratic co-existence and rational debate where all citizens can freely enter and exist regardless of their inability to rent media time. And let there be no mistake: in the second decade of the twenty-first century, social media has become the new commons, needing only a shared event to galvanize its attention to the point of putting a wide-ranging discourse about political priorities into play on a vast and unregulated scale. Occupy Wall Street is one such event, one whose time has clearly come. But the model for this kind of actual/virtual exercise in reformulating a common space into a rhetorical congregation had been established two decades earlier in a very different public location that also galvanized a vast virtual community. It too was a brilliantly conceived exercise in a metapolitical “resistance by logic.” That space was and still is the vast Black Rock Desert, a dry lakebed in northwestern Nevada that is administered by the Federal Bureau of Land Management.
Karen on Eileen and George, from Crude Awakening PHOTO: ROGER MINKOW M.D.
The event was and still is Burning Man. Since the early beginnings of the Internet, many observers have postulated that there was revolutionary potential in its ability to widely and instantaneously distribute unmediated information. Some have proclaimed it to be the new commons, this in recognition of how the forces of neoliberal corporatism have turned the old commons into shopping malls of various kinds, those being places where the subtle doctrine of “pay to play” began to slowly displace all other opportunities for political participation. Burning Man was the first major instance of an organized recognition of this new communal possibility of the digital revolution, and the first to act upon it at any meaningful scale. It did so by “occupying” a piece of public land in a wilderness area, and then configuring itself as a kind of free city where monetary exchange and corporate advertising would not be allowed. Participation, collaboration and self-reliance were upheld as paramount civic virtues, and art was defined and welcomed as the product of any “radical free expression” that any person could devise, regardless of any lack of previous experience or education. When web-browsing software first became available in 1994, Burning Man was already nine years old, and had already been using email networks and virtual bulletin boards to distribute its messages to a growing audience. The emergence of such communications technologies were a natural fit for the event, and even to this day, it has never paid for any advertising beyond the printing and mailing of its own promotional materials. That was the same year that the mass media initially came out to report on the event. The following year, the population doubled, making it clear that a tax on participants was needed to cover necessary costs for staging the event on a much larger sale. Admission tickets were sold, and federal rules were re-written so that the federal Bureau of Land Management could charge the organizers of Burning Man a hefty fee to use the space. Soon after that, much more money was spent in legal fees to support litigation that should have never have come to any court’s attention, if constitutional guarantees of rights to free assembly and self-expression were deemed worthy of any respect. But they weren’t, because it was difficult to convince certain political operators that the self-expressive thing that had engendered Burning Man’s free assembly of pilgrims had anything to do with art. From their point of view, what was happening at an increasingly large scale every year in the Black Rock Desert on Labor Day weekend was much more frightening, in that its almost complete lack of artistic supervision portended something akin to a mass participation Satanic ritual.7 It also threatened to unmask the lie that art had become.
I
From the perspective of an art world populated by museum curators, globe trotting art collectors and the toney gallerists working the crowds at international art fairs, Burning Man represents a kind of Special Olympics for Art. To give credence to this view, all any nay-sayer would have to do is attend the event and take in its many starry-eyed unicorns and countless geodesic domes built in service to obscure comic-book deities fashioned from disfigured mannequins. If our nay-sayer were guided by courage and in search of additional evidence to support her initial observation, the next logical destination would be the large indoor exhibition space called the Café, which is usually decorated by the work of a great many amateur photographers and collage artists working on heavy doses of misinformed spiritual pretense and undeserved self-esteem. And yet, as revealing as the Café environment might be, it still pales in comparison to the best place to witness Burning Man’s culture of unfettered creativity, that being the array of unmapped theme camps located away from the Esplanade that separates the event’s semi-circular camping area from the mile-wide no-camping zone at its core. Here, one is liable to find a vast assortment of incomprehensible do-it-yourself efforts at representational makeshiftery, often times manifested in things that look more like distorted family entertainments than the objects of any conventional art history. Looking like the mutant offspring of a theme park and a slum conceived in the prop closet of George and Mike Kuchar’s Studio 8 Production Company, 8 these provisional amalgamations of such materials such as fluorescent fabric and solar powered lava lamps oftentimes seem to allegoricize the traumas and contradictions of a consumer culture blindly addicted to the debt-driven circulation of pseudo-goods and non-services; all saying something troublingly oblique about an America that is amusing itself to death in the age of Walmart.
The real value of Burning Man lies in how it reverses this model. It does so by simply allowing its participants to amuse themselves back to life through their participation in a week of collective catharsis. Fortunately for our dyspeptic pilgrim, the artistic offerings of Burning Man get bathed in a seemingly endless sea of electro-luminescent blinky lights when nightfall arrives, and her attention will then most likely be diverted by an omnipresent soundscape of pulsating techno music punctuated by the explosive flashings of propane fireballs surging into the sky. To this, add the lumbering peregrinations of large, slow moving vehicles that appear as grotesque carnival rides taken from a Dada-themed amusement park, and the picture of a vastly absurd semiotic entity comes close to completion, a relational esthetics
gesamtkunskwerk 9 that is metaphorically and geographically located at the exact half-way point between San Francisco’s Mission District and Robert Smithson’s Spiral Jetty protruding from the north shore of the Great Salt Lake. It is equal parts game space and refugee camp, and as such, it presents itself as a gargantuan omni-participatory rejoinder to the regulation of subjectivity embedded in the cognitive illusions bred by normative market-defined existence. And for this reason, the ensemble experience of participating in Burning Man provides a much-needed transfiguration of everyday assumptions about what passes for cultural nourishment. Its chief lesson lies in the way that it demonstrates how well a do-it-yourself social economy can work if and when it reframes itself in the terms of a do-it-with-others ethos, and this represents a profound political revelation as well as its chief metapolitical legacy to be later taken up by the Occupy Wall Street movement.
Rather than calling this vast entity by its proper name of Black Rock City, lets give it a more descriptive moniker: the living model of an alternative version of contemporary culture based on advancing an ethical glocalism as the highest of priorities. And then let us note that, in theatrically performing itself as such a model, it also forms itself into a fun house mirror reflection of the absurdities of twenty-first century existence, all-the-while organizing itself as a temporary corrective for many of that century’s social and political shortcomings, especially those pointed toward systematically excluding people from social participation for no good reason. At Burning Man, the stranger is always welcome, and there are always opportunities for any given participant to do things that she never imagined herself to be doing. And in so doing, she oftentimes learns a great deal about the roles that she plays in her everyday life, in turn allowing her to imagine and act upon other roles that might lead her to a better world, at least for herself and maybe for others. Yes, Burning Man does feature a great deal of so-called “New Age” art made by people who might best be called hippies, and yes, almost all of that art is at best a guileless exercise in naïve cluelessness that is scripted not so much by any “radical free expression” as it is by the simplistic recirculation of pop cultural cliché. At worst, it is something on a par with toenail fungus, but even that can be strangely entertaining when contrasted with the vastness of the desert. Indeed, accounting for maybe two- or three-dozen notable exceptions during the past decade, we would have to concede that almost all of the art at Burning Man is as bad as its detractors say that it is. But in admitting this fact, another obvious question comes to the fore: in the great scheme of things, how important is it whether any of it is bad or good? And following from this, another obvious set of questions: who or what are the entities that are empowered to decide on any such differentiation? What values do they represent? What is masked by the authoritative proclamation of said values? And again: why does any of it matter?
Turnabout being fair play, it now becomes obligatory to imagine what an everyburner might make of the current world of contemporary art, resplendent as it is when ensconced within opulent museum architecture and festooned with price tags that are the monetary equivalent of real estate when it is not. It is undeniable that those environments are the sites of a kind of authoritative coldness designed to intimidate the viewer into a kind of passive submission to the historical authority of those things that are beheld within them. It is also undeniable that the large majority of those snobjects contain very little that conveys the kind of truthful generosity that might reward the attention of the serious viewer who is not party to the vested interests that have been influence-peddled into the visible existence of their environment’s adoration.
And so, our everyburner would no doubt ask: given the sorry state of the world, why all the fuss? Presumably, money is part of the equation, although it is difficult for the uninitiated to see exactly how it plays out through the elaborate web of private, corporate and public support that buoy any given museum’s orchestration of the importance effect. As Paul Werner succinctly put it in 2005: “The illusion that art museums could be run for profit like everything else was derived from the notion museums themselves had worked so hard to foster: that art and capital were all one and circulated in the same manner.”10
Werner goes on to quote former Metropolitan Museum director Phillipe de Montebello’s statement that “It is the judicious exercise of the museum’s authority that makes possible the state of pure reverie that an unencumbered esthetic experience can inspire,”11 and then goes on to state that “by the same logic, the absence of ‘a state of reverie’ interferes with ‘the judicious exercise of authority.’” Werner drives this point home when he writes “What Brecht wrote of the Nazis then now applies to cultural apparatus of the twenty-first century: they want to turn the People into an audience. Same policy, different means.”12
Once again, we are reminded of the truism stating that propaganda works best when those who are being manipulated believe that they are acting on their own free will. How you might ask, and the answer is obvious: in the way of the translation of a certain class of objects—let’s call them symbolic commodities—into a certain class of equities. It is easy to suppose that said equity is simply gained from the fortuitous position that any given investor might take amid the normal value/worth fluctuation of the commodity in question. But works of art are not commodities in same way as are barrels of crude oil or tons of copper, nor is it a form of reserve currency as are ounces of gold or silver. The commodity value of a given work of art is instead a function of its status as a reliquary representation of its own myth status, and that is something that continues to be manufactured long after said work of art leaves the studio of the artist who created it. Ultimately, it is the museum that confirms the mythic status of the objects that it chooses to display and collect, creating a fortuitous feedback loop that points to how the world of contemporary art has been transformed into a rather perverse epiphenomena of the financial services industry.
Here is how the normative art economy actually works. Artist a) makes a work of art b) and shows it at the gallery of dealer c), who gets it written about by critic d) and then sells it to collector e) for f) amount of money. Collector e) hangs on to artwork while the reputation of artist a) rises by way others repeating the same machinations described in the aforementioned equation, and then, at a fortuitous moment, she either sells said artwork for profit f)+x , or more normally donates said artwork to museum g), for which she receives donor recognition h), which represents the fair market value that museum g) places on artwork b).
Because the work has been accepted into museum g)’s collection, its fair market value automatically rises, so that donor recognition h) is actually worth much more that the original purchase price f) of work of art b). And it is donor recognition h) that collector e) sends to the tax collector as a claim for a tax deductable charitable contribution that reduces collector e)’ s overall tax burden by a significant sum of money (yes, the federal government does support the arts!). The value added portion of this equation lies in how much greater a sum of money donor recognition h) represents in relation to original cost of artwork b), and in many cases that sum is ten or 20 or 100 times the original investment. Thus the economy of art is laid bare, and it can rightfully be called a speculative marketplace in objects that might represent a significantly enhanced tax-deductability that can be exercised at some future juncture, all assuming that museum g) is interested in acquiring work of art b) at any point in time. This means that work of art b) has to fit in with what museum g) considers to be a worthwhile esthetic experience, based in part on its own vested interest in perpetuating its ability to exercise such consideration. Werner gets that particular point right when he states that “if the Guggenheim, or any other museum, had actually covered its expenses through admissions, that would have harmed its true function: The manufacture of exclusiveness.”13
But, even though money is a major part of the equation, it by no means is all of it. It is worth noting that Werner’s remarks about the museum world point to a specific historical moment, and that moment was defined by the aftermath of the politically motivated reformulation of the National Endowment for the Arts that took place between 1989 and 1994. After that reformulation (which effectively ended government support for the arts in the United States), both the world of the museum and the larger world of contemporary art were momentarily recast as perverse sub-functions of the entertainment industry, with a reigning style called “Pop Surrealism”14
This coming to the fore as the stylistic marker for the art of that brief and bygone moment, and indeed, a perfectly useful and legitimate term that could accurately describe much of the art that one might find at any given iteration of Burning Man. In fact, it is a far more accurate term than the more common ascription pointing to it as new form of “outsider art.” This is so because at that particular moment, there was a major lack of clarity about what was inside or outside of anything other than what financially motivated turnstiles might keep in a state of separation, and in the wake of the cessation of government funding, an increase in audience size became an necessary institutional mandate. Thus, we had an art style that “took its inspiration from popular culture,” meaning that it was trying and failing to be popular culture, rather than the kind of critical comment on it that we saw with 1960s Pop Art. Part-and-parcel with the 1990s embrace of Pop Surrealism as an audience development strategy was another related trend called Postart spectacle, which transformed whole museums into elaborately staged pseudo-operas of the type made famous by Matthew Barney, Paul McCarthy and Martin Kippenberger—artists who all infused Pop Surrealist esthetics with the theme park ambience of an arena rock concert. Finally, it is worth noting that the rhetorical pendent that was hung around the neck of this esthetic shift toward popular entertainment was something called “art writing.” It did not come from the traditional world of art historically trained art critics, but instead issued from a new hybrid discourse that proclaimed itself to be something called “visual studies,” which in many cases was little more than culturally sensitive entertainment reporting—“celebrity porn journalism” to use a deservedly uncharitable term. Its most characteristic feature was a shameless willingness to be used as a tool for institutional audience development.
Nonetheless, in the art world, all of this was brief and transitional, because the focus would again shift in dramatic form after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, making Pop Surrealism suddenly look very anachronistic. Very soon thereafter, Globalism became the new buzzword for a suddenly robust emphasis on a transnational art hailing from under-recognized parts of the world. Presumably, Globalism represented an impetus toward encouraging the embrace of art as an instrument of national liberation, or failing that particular pretense, as a focal point for the kind of cultural lubrication that might politically facilitate desirable access to the labor, natural resources and markets of the developing economies so dearly prized by neoliberal corporatism. It might also represent a politically motivated usage of art as an instrument of pacification, that is, as an administrative technology for deflecting the potential for actual conflict into the containable realm of symbolic conflict. The visible shape that this newly globalized art took on was not manifested in any particular form of artistic cultural production, but instead, was revealed as a relatively new form of cultural presentation called the Mega-Exhibition. These were exemplified by such time-honored extravaganzi as Documenta and the Venice Biennial, but also by a metastasizing host of newer entries into the global mega-exhibition fray, held in such cities as Istanbul and Taipei. These are giant affairs that operate under the guidance of an elite class of internationally renown curatorial directors, and in addition to operating as certification mechanisms for the investability of the art contained by them, they also function as major engines of cultural tourism and transnational ideological propaganda that have been used to enrich the coffers of their host cities. It is also worth thinking about how other imperatives might be in play. As Okwui Enwezor has written, globalism embodies a new vision of global totality and a concept of modernity that dissolves the old paradigm of the nation-state and the ideology of the ‘center,’ each giving way to a dispersed regime of rules based on networks, circuits, flows, interconnection. Those rhizomatic movements are said to operate on the logic of horizontality, whose disciplinary, spatial, and temporal orders enable the mobility of knowledge, information, culture, capital, and exchange, and are no longer based on domination and control… globalism was part of the maturation of a certain kind of liberal ideal, which in its combination of democratic regimes of governance and free market capitalism was prematurely announced as the end of history.15
These attributes are all pointed at the imagination of “a truly unified world system whereby all systems of modern rationalism would finally be properly fused.”16
Of course, the inquiring mind will ask, to what end? And more importantly, to whose end? Of course, answers to these questions are never made clear, perhaps because they cannot be made clear. But it is worth pointing out that the impetus toward the aforementioned fusion is a very different thing than the impetus toward cultural diversity, and it is also interesting to note that among the many topics of cultural identity that have surfaced during the heyday of the global mega-exhibition, the debt obligations of post-colonial nation states is one that almost never comes up. That is because the thing instigating and benefiting from the aforementioned fusion is a global, trans-national banking system that has learned how to use both art and nation states as tools for its own purposes. That much said, we can go on to productively note Burning Man is also a mega-exhibition, but in many ways it is also an anti-mega-exhibition, especially in the ways that it prefigured, mirrored and satirized the “the rhizomatic logics of horizontality, interconnection and dispersal” that have become de rigueur themes in twenty-first century art. III
Electrical Suit sketch by Dr. Austin Richards AKA Dr. Megavolt
For all of Burning Man’s claims of being a place apart from the default world that it pretends to leave behind, it nonetheless does seem that the event sustains an oblique relationship to that world. During the technologically addled 1990s, Burning Man seemed to be prophetically far ahead of the cultural environment surrounding it. The chief reason for this was its far-reaching imagination of the ways that new technology could recast how social relations might be reconfigured in critical relation to what Naomi Klein would later call “Disaster Capitalism.”17
In those days, the presiding spirit of Burning Man was not any getting back to the mythical garden that so captured the imagination of the Woodstock generation so much as it was a celebration of various kinds of real and imagined love taking place amongst the post-apocalyptic ruins of rampant military adventurism and financial and ecological unsustainability. But in 2001, the specter of real apocalypse became traumatically evident when the 9/11 terrorist attacks ushered in an unfunded war wedded to the draconian trappings of the National Security State. Suddenly, the world caught up with Burning Man’s parsing of the utopian and dystopian themes of technologically-assisted social capitalism, making them seem redundantly similar to the mass media narratives about a brave new cyber-economy as well as the emergence of other forms of Postart spectacle that had come into prominence in the art world. The fact that Burning Man had become the putative darling of a kind of trivializing mass-media condescension did not help, and over time the event become more-and-more indistinguishable from the “wild and crazy” caricatures that were heaped upon it. By 2007, the event had clearly become a victim of its own clichés of flagrant silliness, mired in a repetitious cycle of nostalgia for the exuberant 1990s. Soon after that, that the world would pass it by, because in 2008, the story would take another turn, a downturn to be exact. The financial crisis that exploded in October of that year once again recalibrated the larger terrain of cultural understanding, and the urgency of that moment began to make Burning Man look every bit as indulgent and frivolous as it did the institutional art world. Soon thereafter, a new concern for the politics of social justice had come into the foreground, eclipsing the themes of alternative identity and self-sustaining community-of-desire that were such prominent features of the event during its 1990s heyday. It was time to pass the metapolitical torch of the do-it-with-others ethos so that a very different fire might be lit with the aid of a few well-placed Falstaffian pitchforks.
Returning to Badiou, we read that the ethical understanding of justice is something quite specific. It is based on the following injunction: “to examine political statements and their proscriptions, and draw from them their egalitarian kernel of universal signification.”18
If Burning Man has done nothing else, it has certainly created an Archimedean ground from which such an examination might proceed, much more successfully than anything that happened in the institutional art world during the same time period. Following from this recognition, we might then ask how the metapolitical kernel of Burning Man was passed to Zucotti Park, as if, in an age of social media, the assertion and exertion of any influence on anything can somehow be supposed to not be operable until proven otherwise. We know that one of the key instigators of the OWS movement was Micah White, the Berkeley-based co-editor of the Vancouver-based journal Adbusters , therefore a Bay Area connection is easily made, although it is not clear if White was in any way influenced by Burning Man. Because there is a very large contingent of Burning Man participants that hail from New York City, one could easily suppose that their experience of the event might have had something to do with the encampment at Zucotti, especially since Occupy Wall Street initially took place just ten days after the conclusion of the 2011 Burning Man event. But there is one important kernel of indisputable influence that clearly stands out, and that is Bill Talen, who is better known in his performance guise of Reverend Billy of the Church of Stop Shopping, a New York-based performance group that has extensively toured the United States and is the subject of two widely circulated documentary films. What makes Talen’s performances so timely for this discussion is his evocation of the tropes of a theocratic tribalism that are severed from the politics of hate and fear, all enacted in service to the kind of communitarianism and pleas for justice that earmarked the earliest Christian communities of the second century. Obviously, those same values are in short supply among so-called evangelical churches populated by legions of CINOs (Christians-in-Name-Only), reminding us of how deeply perverted the gospel message has become in twenty-first century America. The fact that the more organized churches proclaiming allegiance to the gospels have been outdone on this score by a performance artist should be cause for concern, outrage and cruel mockery. Starting in 2002, the 30-member band and gospel choir of the Church of Stop Shopping has regularly performed at Burning Man, putting on a rousing revival show that is a stunningly convincing mimic of similar services consecrated to “the old time religion” a la Elmer Gantry, only at Burning Man, it was comically staged under the shadow of an 40-foot-tall effigy that echos the real old old old time religion of Neolithic cult worship.
At the forefront of the Church’s performance is Talen’s character named Reverend Billy, who preaches in passionate, Elvis Presley-inflected voice about the evils of consumerism and the tragic human cost of debt-driven consumption, backed up by a gospel chorus and small orchestra featuring a church organ. The chorus sings songs about the virtues of an economic democracy that is described as a promised land, and the mood is always persuasively festive, even joyous.
Talen’s passionate and eloquent sermons come across like rhapsodic poems made from the many fragments of Occupy Wall Street signage, and in fact, Talen did perform (sans choir) at the 17 September 2011 beginning of OWS, just a few days after returning to New York from Burning Man. Subsequently, he performed with the choir at Zucotti Park on several other days, to audiences that grew ever larger during the month of October. These were rousing and inspirational shows that galvanized the attention of ever-growing crowds in a way that gave them a coherent group identity, meaning that, for a few brief moments, the Occupy protesters found themselves attending a church of their own politically inclusive revelation, which allowed them to see themselves as being a part of something much larger than themselves.
As always, Talen’s performances were a brilliant obversion of the pernicious role that religion has come to play in American politics, where so-called “values” candidates have been using church affiliation for decades as the preferred excuse for supporting candidates and policies that embody the hateful opposite of Christian morality. Such ethically duplicitous rhetoric also has a metapolitical name, and that name is Neoconservatism when practiced by Americans who identify with Judeo-Christian tradition, and fundamentalism when practiced by others. Either way, the word “fundamental” applies in all of its many nuances, especially the one that highlights its definitional opposition to enlightened sophistication. Essentially, Neoconservatism is a subtle theologicization of the neoliberal doctrine that defines the subject along the secular lines of economic self-interest, but it deviates from that doctrine in that it assumes that self-serving moral edicts are required when the economic interests of cultural Others begins to gain too quickly in relation to the economic self-interest of the culturally entitled.
Talen’s Reverend Billy performances are so entertaining and well executed that it is easy to miss the seriousness of the metapolitical critique embodied in them. Certainly, they provide a thoughtful and dramatic critique of the empathy deficit disorder that is bred by neoliberal corporatism, and they command and entice their audiences to insist on ethical correctives. As for the relation of his work to his experience of Burning Man, Talen himself has a clear vision of the similarity between Burning Man and the OWS movement. He writes:Burning Man and Occupy Wall Street share this: we discovered that living together is a performance with long-range power. How we live—people watch and learn. Then they live back at us and we change too. We experience the decisions of how to live as drama, and (we found out) as protest—more than traditional theater which rarely has electrical charge these days. For years we were the butt of journalist jokes, calling us refried 60s protesters—angry people carrying signs and chanting. All that was wiped away by the glorious arrival of Occupy, which was the simple notion of living together in public, in a park under the scrapers of Wall. Sharing food, stories, making media, figuring out laws, discussing health, feeding each other—LIVING TOGETHER is the devastating protest form of our day. Burning Man’s fascination—you see it around the world—flows from living together under arid desert conditions for a week. BM also chucks the conventional stage and finds a new charged theater in sashaying in outrageous costumes and nakedness in front of 50,000 people who are doing the same thing back at you. Burning Man is great theater—leaves Broadway in its playa dust. And Wall Street guys are there too—wearing fluorescent underwear while they check out a 100-foot-long chandelier. How change comes to the world from these two forms of theatrical living— stay tuned! It has begun.” To this I can only say Amen.
notes- *apologies for layout issues, text spaces have been modified to allow for full citation listings.
1.
Alain Badiou,
Metapolitics
(1998), translated by Jason Barker, London: Verso Books, 2005, p. 19.
2.
Jean Tingley, “On Statics,” (text from a leaflet dropped near Dusseldorf in 1959. Recorded in
The Diary of Anaïs Nin, Volume VI
, edited by Gunther Stuhlman, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Jovanovich, 1966 p. 284.
3.
See Adam Schiff, “The Supreme Court Still Thinks That Coroporations Are People,” (July 18, 2012)
, translated by Norman Maderaz, State University of New York Press, 1999. Further references to Baudiou’s ideas are extracted from this source, unless otherwise cited.
7.
Claims of Burning Man being a socially dangerous satanic ritual were made on the 18 May 1998 broadcast of Pat Robertson’s 700 Club program on the
Christian Broadcast Network
.
8.
George Kuchar (1942–2011) and Mike Kuchar (b.1942) were San Francisco-based underground filmmakers whose low budget works used and misused exaggerated gender clichés to satirize the most preposterous aspects of conventional “sinematic” exposition. George Kuchar’s most well known film was titled
Hold Me While I’m Naked
, 1966, while Mike Kuchar is best known for his 1966 film titled
Sins of the Fleshapoids.
In 1997, they collaborated on a book of comic reminiscences titled
Reflections from a Cinematic Cesspool
(San Francisco: Zanja Press). Here we might note a persistent albeit unconfirmed rumor that San Francisco’s long-running stage play titled
Beach Blanket Babylon
was originally indebted in some way to the George Kuchar esthetic. In Jennifer Kroot’s 2009 documentary film titled
It Came From Kuchar,
it was revealed that Bill Griffith’s comic character named
Zippy the Pinhead
was modeled on George Kuchar.
9.
Gesamtkunskwerk
literally means “total work of art.” It was coined by Richard Wagner to describe his view opera production as a synthesis of all of the arts. See his
The Artwork of the Future
(1849, translated by William Ashton Ellis) at http://users.belgacom.net/wagnerlibrary/prose/wagartfut.htm. “Relational Esthetics” was a term originally coined by Nicholas Bourriard in 1986 as a way of calling attention to certain artistic practices that were/ are less concerned about the creation of a final product than they are about the social processes of inclusion and participation leading up to it. Bourriaud defined the approach simply as “a set of artistic practices which take as their theoretical and practical point of departure the whole of human relations and their social context, rather than an independent and private space.” (p. 113). See Nicholas Bourriard,
Relational Esthetics , Dijon, France: Les Presses du Reel , 2002. For a critique of Bourriard’s thesis, see Claire Bishop, “Antagonism and Relational Aesthetics,”
October 110, Fall 2004. Bishop points out that “The curators promoting this ‘laboratory’ paradigm—including Maria Lind, Hans Ulrich Obrist, Barbara van der Linden, Hou Hanru, and Nicolas Bourriaud—have to a large extent been encouraged to adopt this curatorial modus operandi as a direct reaction to the type of art produced in the 1990s: work that is open-ended, interactive, and resistant to closure, often appearing to be ‘work-in-progress’ rather than a completed object. Such work seems to derive from a creative misreading of poststructuralist theory: rather than the interpretations of a work of art being open to continual reassessment, the work of art itself is argued to be in perpetual flux. There are many problems with this idea, not least of which is the difficulty of discerning a work whose identity is willfully unstable. Another problem is the ease with which the ‘laboratory’ becomes marketable as a space of leisure and entertainment. Venues such as the Baltic in Gateshead, the Kunstverein Munich, and the Palais de Tokyo (in Paris) have used metaphors like ‘laboratory,’ ‘construction site,’ and ‘art factory’ to differentiate themselves from bureaucracy-encumbered collection-based museums; their dedicated project spaces create a buzz of creativity and the aura of being at the vanguard of contemporary production. One could argue that in this context, project-based works-in-progress and artists-in-residence begin to dovetail with an‘experience economy,’ the marketing strategy that seeks to replace goods and services with scripted and staged personal experiences. Yet, what the viewer is supposed to garner from such an ‘experience’ of creativity, which is essentially institutionalized studio activity, is often unclear.” (p. 52) Bishop goes on to quote Bourriard: “It seems more pressing to invent possible relations with our neighbors in the present than to bet on happier tomorrows” (p. 54;
Relational Esthetics,p. 45), Then she adds “This DIY, microtopian ethos is what Bourriaud perceives to be the core political significance of relational aesthetics.” (p.54). It is worth noting that there has never been much difference between Bourriard’s assertion of “Relational Aesthetics” art practices and Allan Kaprow’s much older advocacy of Happenings, the first principle of which being “the line between the Happenings and daily life should be kept as fluid as possible,” so that “the reciprocation between the handmade and the ready-made will be at its maximum power.” (Allan Kaprow, “The Happenings are Dead: Long Live the Happenings!” (1966) in Jeff Kelly ed., The Blurring of Art and Life: The Collected Writings of Allan Kaprow , Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996, p. 62). The key point lies in how both Relational Esthetics and the earlier Happenings resurrect the tenants of Lukasian social realism by substituting real-time face-to-face encounters for the older tropes of representing and/or narrating ideas of “class consciousness.” More recently, similar activities have again rebranded themselves as “Social Practice Art,” as a way of emphasizing more specific political ambitions. See Nato Thompson, Living as Form: Socially Engaged Art from 1991 to 2011,
Cambridge, MA. MIT Press, 2012. But even here, the obvious equation of institutionally supported “social practice art” with inefficacious postures of mild political concern (scented with the bad faith of loyal opposition) are never directly addressed. An important early instance of a Relational Esthetics artwork was San Francisco-based artist Tom Marioni’s Drinking Beer with Friends is the Highest Form of Art
, a weekly relational esthetics performance that has been ongoing since the mid-1970s. Clearly, San Francisco-based Burning Man is far and away the largest and most complex example. Neither was mentioned in Bourriard’s famous book.
10.
Paul Werner,
Museums, Inc.
, Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2005, p. 9.
11.
Ibid., p. 15.
12.
Ibid
.,
p. 58.
13.
Ibid
.,
p. 41.
14.
Pop Surrealism was the name of a 1998 exhibition organized by Richard Klein, Ingrid Schaffner and Dominique Nahas held at the Aldrich Museum in Ridgefield Connecticut. It contained the work of artists such as Peter Saul, Mike Kelly, Paul McCarthy, Lisa Yuskavage, Ed “Big Daddy” Roth, John Currin and Robt. Williams, and could be said to have reprised and expanded upon an earlier exhibition titled Helter
Skelter that was organized in 1992 by Paul Schimmel at the Museum of Contemporary Art in Los Angeles. The monthly publication Juxtapose (founded by Williams in 1994) has done much to promote many of the artists associated with the Pop Surrealism movement, but the publication’s claim that the movement originated in southern California is erroneous. The real historical sources of the Pop Surrealism movement is found in the earlier work of Bay Area-based artists such as Peter Saul and George Kuchar, as well as the underground comics movement that was based in the same area during the middle 1960s. Chicago artists of the early 1970s such as Jim Nutt, Gladys Nielson and Karl Wirsum were also important early influences. The most important aspect of the Pop Surrealism movement lied in its embrace of a populist turn in art that was responsive to circumstances related to the political controversies surrounding government funding for the arts. In 1998, the National Endowment for the Arts published the findings of a multi-year research project that concluded that the arts were widely perceived to be irrelevant and elitist. The project was called American Canvas
. See Gary O. Larson,
American Canvas: An Arts Legacy for Our Communities
, Washing ton D.C.: US Government Printing Office, 1998.
15.
Okwui Enwezor, “Mega-Exhibitions and the Antinomies of a Transnational Global Form,” in Andreas Huyssen ed.,
Other Cities, Other Worlds: Urban Imaginaries in Globalizing Art
, Duke University Press, 2008, pp. 148–149.
16.
Ibid
.,
p. 149. In an anonymous introductory remark made in the online journal
Italian Greyhound , we read that “Enwezor uses as an illustration of the serious and thoughtfully considered nature of righteous internationalists in fomenting new representations in academic programs and curated collections by pointing to a think tank he participated in 1997 in Italy whose members came from Brazil, Turkey, Cuba, Australia, South Africa, and Thailand, amid other countries. These panelists endeavored to recode the complex dialectics between globalization and the long process of modernization towards market basked-economies on the course of which much of the developing world was set since the early days of decolonization. Enwezor reports that this group drew and reached no conclusions other than to continue meeting at subsequent retreats and biennale exhibitions.” The same anonymous interlocutor also summarizes a response formulated by art critic George Baker to Enwezor’s essay that takes exception to its optimistic assessment of the equalizing nature of enormous international art fairs, arguing that “the only valid definition of globalization is one that must include an acknowledgement of the invasiveness of multinational corporations.” Baker defiantly asks “who and where is the audience for mega-exhibitions?” echoing Enwezor’s use of the words “spectatorship” and “spectacle.” The roving biennale, Baker says, “creates a traveling fair for global elites, excluding both artists and the local populations where such exhibits take place.” Baker dismisses Enwezor’s Trauma and Nation model concepts, claiming instead that “shows such as Documenta existed for years merely as a forum for exported American art and views of art.” Baker further argues “mega-exhibits are in fact created, like the Olympics, with the intent of defining, promulgating, and delineating American culture.” Baker asks “why it is that biennials,” (which are, he says, “essentially the same showcasing of many of the same works repeated in different time zones”) “are the new model for counter-hegemonic spectatorship?” (See the summary provided at athttp://italiangreyhounds.org/errata/2007/06/13/“mega-exhibitions-and-the-antimonies-of-a-transnational-global-form”-by-okwui-enwezor-vs-“the-globalization-of-the-false-a-response-to-okwui-enwezor”-by-george-baker/)
17.
See Naomi Klein,
The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism,
New York: Henry Holt &Co., 2007.
18.
Badiou, Op. Cit., p. 17.
19.
Bill Talen, Email correspondence with the author, 7 April 2012.
(Queen’s Park): “Political fundraising in Ontario doesn’t pass the stink test,” says GPO leader Mike Schreiner.
Schreiner is challenging the Liberal government to ban corporate and union donations to political parties in Ontario. The GPO is also pushing the government to amend the Municipal Elections Act to allow municipalities to ban such donations. The City of Toronto has done this, but other municipalities do not have provincial authority to do it.
“People are sick and tired of reading stories about big ticket events that give deep-pocketed insiders special access to Ministers and the Premier,” says Schreiner. “Serious questions about special deals are being raised. Corporate and union donations have no place in politics.”
The federal government banned corporate and union donations to political parties in 2003 and extended the ban to include donations to candidates in 2006. The new Alberta government made banning corporate and union donations their first legislative act in 2015. The GPO believes it is time for Ontario to clean up its act.
“Citizens vote, not corporations,” says Schreiner. “Government policy should be focused on what’s good for the public. Even the perception that big money might have influence in securing special deals or driving policy decisions is bad for democracy. What about the 100 companies being given a free ride under the new cap-and-trade plan? Are any of them donors to the Liberal party?”
The Green Party of Ontario supports campaign finance reforms that ban corporate and union donations, limit third party advertising and provide some public financing for eligible parties.
“It’s past time to get big money out of Ontario politics,” says Schreiner.
The GPO is on a mission to bring honesty, integrity and good public policy to Queen’s Park. For the Silo, Becky Smit
Six Nations Polytechnic Aboriginal Institute to Offer Standalone Languages Degree Program
Ontario Helping to Expand Post-secondary Options for Indigenous Students
NEWS
February 8, 2016
Ontario is helping to improve access to culturally appropriate postsecondary education and training opportunities for Indigenous learners by making it possible for Six Nations Polytechnic, an Aboriginal Institute, to offer a standalone degree program.
For the first time, the province will make it possible for an Aboriginal Institute, an organization that is run and governed by Indigenous communities, to offer a standalone degree program. As of January 2016, students at Six Nations Polytechnic Aboriginal Institute in Ohsweken can obtain a Bachelor of Arts degree in Ogwehoweh (Cayuga and Mohawk) Languages.
This degree will help promote and protect Ogwehoweh languages and make it possible for students to complete their degree at one institution, closer to home. It also will help students build on their linguistic skills and cultural knowledge as well as expand their opportunities to participate in the labour market. This standalone degree also supports the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which called for postsecondary institutions to create degree programs in Indigenous languages.
Investing in the talent and skills of First Nation, Métis, and Inuit learners is one of many steps on Ontario’s journey of healing and reconciliation with Indigenous peoples. It reflects the government’s commitment to work with Indigenous partners, creating a better future for everyone in the province.
QUOTES
“Our government has made a clear commitment to learn from the past, build on our success stories, and increase our efforts to help Indigenous learners get the education and training they need. Six Nations Polytechnic is committed to creating an Indigenous environment that is grounded in culture and community, language, research, and academic quality, and this new degree program will help improve Indigenous learners’ access to, participation in, and completion of postsecondary education and training programs in Ontario.”
— Reza Moridi, Minister of Training Colleges and Universities
“I want to thank Six Nations Polytechnic for the leadership and guidance they have provided. Today’s announcement provides a tangible illustration of Ontario’s journey along the path of reconciliation. We will continue to rely on Indigenous partners as we chart a way forward that will produce tangible results.”
— David Zimmer, Minister of Aboriginal Affairs
“Language preservation and protection are at the core values of Six Nations Polytechnic. That’s why we have always had the intention of having our Ogwehoweh Language Diploma Program become a language degree program.”
— Rebecca Jamieson, President Six Nations Polytechnic
“Congratulations to Rebecca and her entire team. They have worked tirelessly to bring about the expansion of Six Nations Polytechnic programming. Education is the cornerstone of the future successes of our local Indigenous students.”
— Dave Levac, Member of Provincial Parliament, Brant
QUICK FACTS
Aboriginal Institutes provide opportunities for students to start and complete postsecondary education credentials in a culturally appropriate and safe learning environments close to home and are completely run and governed by Indigenous communities.
The Ogwehoweh (Cayuga and Mohawk) Languages degree builds on the strong foundation of the current language diploma program offered in partnership with McMaster University.
Six Nations Polytechnic is an Aboriginal postsecondary education and training institute located in Ohsweken, a community on Six Nations of the Grand River Territory near Brantford, Ontario.
Six Nations Polytechnic applied for and was granted consent to offer a Bachelor of Arts degree in Ogwehoweh (Cayuga and Mohawk) Languages.
Ontario provides $1.5 million in annual funding through the Aboriginal Student Bursary Fund to help Indigenous learners with financial needs participate in postsecondary education and training.
In June 2015 the province committed stable funding of Indigenous postsecondary education totaling $97 million over three years, including an additional $5 million to support the sustainability of Ontario’s nine Indigenous-owned and operated postsecondary education and training institutes located throughout the province. In 2013-14, about 16,036 self-identified Indigenous learners attended college and university in Ontario, an increase of about nine per cent or 1,472 learners since 2009-10.
Offre d’un programme indépendant menant à un diplôme à l’institut autochtone Six Nations Polytechnic
L’Ontario contribue à accroître les options d’études postsecondaires des étudiants autochtones
NOUVELLES
Le 8 février 2016
L’Ontario contribue à améliorer l’accès des apprenantes et apprenants autochtones à des possibilités de formation et à des études postsecondaires adaptées à leur culture en permettant à la Six Nations Polytechnic, un institut autochtone, d’offrir un programme d’études indépendant menant à un diplôme.
Pour la première fois, la province accepte qu’un institut autochtone offre un tel programme d’études indépendant. Les instituts autochtones sont des établissements exploités et gérés par des communautés autochtones. À compter de janvier 2016, les étudiants de la Six Nations Polytechnic peuvent recevoir un baccalauréat ès arts dans les langues ogwehoweh (cayuga et mohawk).
Ce baccalauréat contribuera à promouvoir l’usage des langues ogwehoweh et à les protéger. Il permettra également aux étudiants de faire leurs études dans un seul établissement, plus près de chez eux. Ils pourront approfondir leurs compétences linguistiques et leurs connaissances culturelles, en s’ouvrant à davantage de possibilités d’intégrer le marché du travail. En outre, l’offre de ce programme indépendant menant à un diplôme répond à la recommandation de la Commission de vérité et réconciliation voulant que les établissements d’enseignement postsecondaire créent des programmes d’études en langues autochtones.
Investir dans le talent et les compétences des apprenantes et apprenants métis, inuits et des Premières Nations constitue l’une des nombreuses étapes que l’Ontario devra franchir tout au long du processus de guérison et de réconciliation. Cela reflète aussi l’engagement du gouvernement à collaborer avec ses partenaires autochtones et à bâtir un avenir meilleur pour tous les habitants de la province.
CITATIONS
« Il est indéniable que le gouvernement s’est engagé à tirer des leçons du passé, à amplifier ses réussites et à redoubler d’efforts pour aider les apprenants autochtones à entreprendre les études et la formation dont ils ont besoin. La Six Nations Polytechnic s’engage à créer un environnement propice à l’apprentissage des autochtones dont les fondements sont la culture, la communauté, la langue, la recherche et la qualité des programmes. Ce nouveau baccalauréat améliorera l’accès à l’éducation postsecondaire des apprenants autochtones en Ontario et contribuera à l’accroissement du nombre d’étudiants autochtones détenteurs d’accréditations ou de diplômes. »
— Reza Moridi, ministre de la Formation et des Collèges et Universités
« Je souhaite remercier la Six Nations Polytechnic pour le leadership dont elle a fait preuve et pour l’orientation qu’elle a su donner. L’annonce d’aujourd’hui illustre parfaitement le processus de réconciliation entrepris par l’Ontario et nous continuerons de collaborer avec nos partenaires autochtones en vue d’arriver à des résultats concrets. »
— David Zimmer, ministre des Affaires autochtones
« La préservation des langues autochtones est au cœur des valeurs de la Six Nations Polytechnic. C’est d’ailleurs pourquoi nous voulions depuis longtemps que notre programme en langues Ogwehoweh mène à un grade universitaire. »
— Rebecca Jamieson, rectrice, Six Nations Polytechnic
« Toutes mes félicitations à Rebecca Jamieson et à son équipe. En effet, la diversification des programmes offerts à la Six Nations Polytechnic est un travail de longue haleine. Nous savons que l’éducation est la pierre angulaire sur laquelle repose le succès des étudiants autochtones de la région. »
— Dave Levac, député provincial de Brant
FAITS EN BREF
Grâce aux instituts autochtones, les étudiants peuvent commencer et terminer leur éducation postsecondaire dans un milieu d’apprentissage près de chez eux qui est à la fois sécuritaire et culturellement adapté. Les instituts autochtones sont exploités et gérés par des communautés autochtones.
Le programme d’études en langues ogwehoweh (cayuga et mohawk) a comme base solide le programme de langues qui est actuellement offert en partenariat avec l’Université McMaster.
La Six Nations Polytechnic est un institut d’enseignement postsecondaire et de formation autochtone situé à Ohsweken, dans le territoire des Six Nations de la rivière Grand, près de Brantford, en Ontario.
La Six Nations Polytechnic a reçu l’autorisation d’offrir un programme de baccalauréat ès arts en langues ogwehoweh (cayuga et mohawk).
L’Ontario octroie 1,5 million de dollars par an par l’entremise du Fonds des bourses pour les étudiantes et étudiants autochtones. Ce fonds aide les apprenants autochtones ayant des besoins financiers à accéder à la formation ou aux études postsecondaires.
En juin 2015, la province a pris l’engagement de fournir un financement stable de 97 millions de dollars sur trois ans pour appuyer l’éducation postsecondaire des Autochtones. Cet investissement comprend un financement supplémentaire de 5 millions de dollars consacrés à la viabilité des neuf instituts d’enseignement et de formation postsecondaires de l’Ontario exploités et gérés par des communautés autochtones. En 2013‑2014, environ 16 036 apprenants auto-identifiés comme Autochtones ont fréquenté un collège ou une université en Ontario, ce qui représente une augmentation d’environ 9 %, ou de 1 472 personnes, depuis 2009‑2010.
Article from March , 2013 – In 1981, the World Health Organization introduced Code of Marketing for Breast-milk Substitutes. To date, 84 countries have enacted legislation making the labeling Code law in their countries. While Canada agreed and signed onto The Code and the amendments, to date it has not created any law, which would uphold this International document.
The WHO Code says, among many other items, that breast milk substitutes (including formula and infant foods) should not be directly advertised to consumers because they are sub-optimal foods to feed to babies and infants. Advertising includes newspapers, ads on Google or other websites, texting, and free samples through the mail.
Formula companies in Canada say they abide by the WHO Code by including a preamble in every commercial: “while breast milk is best…” Ask your average consumer today what they think about breast milk and formula and specifically if there is any difference. I have posed this question while working at numerous health fairs in the past 5 years. It is staggering the number of people who view breast milk and formula as having the same nutritional value. In case you do not know already, this has scientifically been proven false.
Over the past 5 years, I have written MPs and MPPs about why Canada does not uphold the WHO Code. What I heard from Health Canada directly is:
The Food Directorate of Health Canada is responsible for the development of policies, regulations and standards for all foods. The Food Directorate is also responsible for the premarket notification process for infant formulas…Manufacturers are responsible for the accuracy of information on the labels and advertisements for food and for compliance…”
This is akin to letting prisoners run the jail.
While writing my monthly (and at times weekly) concerns to government officials, I found an MP who said that, “If we were signatories to it, we should live up to it.” This was Justin Trudeau.
I am saying be politically involved. I have a stack of letters and many emails from all parties in their response to the WHO Code. It has been 30 years since Canada signed The Code. Why is it taking so long to actually do something to enforce it? Enforcing the Code would not result in taking formula off the market at all. The Code’s aim is to make healthier babies and our babies are entitled to the highest degree of health. For the Silo, Stephanie MacDonald.
MacLean’s columnist, Paul Wells, wrote a book on Prime Minister Stephen Harper entitled “The longer I’m Prime Minister: Stephen Harper and Canada 2006 –“. In this book, the author warns that as the years pass with Harper in office, Canada is being radically transformed.
Truthfully, Canada is being transformed because of Stephen Harper’s government in Ottawa – just not in the way that Paul Wells anticipated it would be. Wells pictured our federal government being fashioned into a reflection of a Reagan-esque Washington, where an enduring small-c government will be his legacy.
If Wells is right and that was Harper’s goal, then he hasn’t accomplished it. Canada’s Economic Action Plan was one of this country’s largest ever public spending policies and Harper’s government has run deficits each year in office, except for the last budget.
But Stephen Harper has changed Canada, and in at least one case irreparably, because of his influence on Provincial politics.
Over the course of the past 50 years, provincial leaders have postured during campaigns that Ottawa has been unfair to their province. Trudeau’s National Energy Policy was pure gold to the Alberta PC’s led by Peter Lougheed. Anti Liberal sentiment has endured and kept the PC’s in power for more than a generation after Trudeau left office.
Canadian voters inherently understand the need for checks and balances by electing a strong Premier who promises to guard against the power of the federal government.
The trend in Ontario is if the Prime Minister is a Liberal, then the Premier will be a PC – and vice versa. This trend has been going on for generations.
In reaction to Stephen Harper being Prime Minister, Ontarians have sleep-walked into re-electing Liberals who have put in place policies that have devastated the Ontario economy. Seven years have passed since the great recession and Ontario shows scant few signs of recovery. The crown jewel of the Ontario economy, it’s manufacturing sector, has left Ontario after years of artificially high energy costs and unnecessary red tape. Local economies once buttressed by auto manufacturing are left reeling under Kathleen Wynne’s government.
The longer that Stephen Harper remains Prime Minister, the deeper the chasm for Ontarians created under provincial Liberal mismanagement. With public debt loads skyrocketing, it will soon be impossible for the next generation to find its footing after a decade of reckless waste.
What is going on in Ontario today under the ardently left wing government of Kathleen Wynne should be a splash of cold water in the faces of Albertans who recently voted to give a majority mandate to the NDP.
Alberta had 42 years of provincial PC power. During that time, they saw four conservative Prime Ministers, Joe Clark, Brian Mulroney, Kim Campbell, and Stephen Harper. (Clark and Campbell held power for only a few months and they had little impact on provincial politics.)
When Mulroney won his massive majority by piecing together a winning coalition of conservative voters in Alberta and Quebec, his government elicited a jarring reaction from Alberta voters. Rather than change the provincial government, Albertans birthed a new federal party, the Reform Party, and booted all of the federal PC’s out of the province in the next election.
And the provincial vs. federal dynamic played a role in last night’s Alberta election results. A former high ranking cabinet minister in the Harper government, Jim Prentice was soundly rejected by voters, ending the PC dynasty as the party moves from first to third in the provincial legislature. Simply put, Jim Prentice was too close to Stephen Harper. And when Alberta’s only sound opposition, former Wildrose leader Danielle Smith, shocked her party to join Prentice in an attempt to “strengthen forces” we saw the idea backfire magnificently in last night’s results with a crushing Orange wave. Alberta voters did not trust Prentice to provide the checks and balances that will see the province through the economic crisis brought on by low oil prices.
Does an Alberta Orange Wave mean that Stephen Harper’s support in Alberta is waning? Will we see prominent cabinet ministers defeated on October 19th?
Anti-Harperites might think so but there really isn’t a chance the CPC will lose seats in Alberta this time around.
Alberta has an Albertan Prime Minister. Many of the most powerful cabinet ministers are also Albertan. When Harper retires, his successor will likely also be an Albertan.
Alberta voters have people in Ottawa that they know they can count on.
On the other hand, the two other federal options can be easily discounted. Mulcair and Trudeau are both from Montreal and each have a checkered history with Alberta oil interests.
Rather than change the Prime Minister, Alberta voters decided that they will change the provincial government instead .
Checks and balances will be restored in the voter’s minds. For the Silo, Maddie Di Muccio.
Click me!
ABOUT MADDIE:
A former municipal town councillor in Newmarket, Ontario, Di Muccio often appears as a political pundit in the media and her freelance columns in the Toronto Sun discuss political issues across Canada. She currently serves as President of York Region Taxpayer’s Coalition and President of the Society for Quality Education.
Province Committed to Providing Fairness for Workers, Predictability for Business
Ontario is raising the general minimum wage from $11 to $11.25 per hour, effective October 1, 2015. Minimum wage rates for jobs in special categories such as liquor servers, homeworkers, and students are also increasing at the same time.
25Cents might not seem like much (after all, payphone calls require two of them) but it does add up: 25 hour part time job works out to an extra $300/ year.
The increase is the result of recent changes to the Employment Standards Act, 2000 (ESA) that tie minimum-wage increases to Ontario’s Consumer Price Index (CPI). This was recommended by the Minimum Wage Advisory Panel in its final report last year.
Increasing the minimum wage in a fair and predictable manner is part of the government’s economic plan for Ontario. The four-part plan is building Ontario up by investing in people’s talents and skills, building new public infrastructure like roads and transit, creating a dynamic, supportive environment where business thrives and building a secure savings plan so everyone can afford to retire.
“Our government has taken politics out of minimum wage increases while ensuring wages for Ontario workers keep pace with inflation and businesses have time to prepare for payroll changes. This puts more money in people’s pockets, gives our businesses predictability and helps build a more prosperous economy, while ensuring a fair society for all.”
Dear Silo, a thought to remember- Marx said,”Remove one freedom per generation and soon you will have no freedom and no one would have noticed.” These are words to the wise, if you can understand what’s going on around you…. *
There was a chemistry professor in a large college that had some exchange students in the class. One day, the professor noticed one young man, an exchange student, who kept rubbing his back and stretching as if his back hurt. The professor asked the young man what was the matter. The student told him he had a bullet lodged in his back. He had been shot while fighting communists in his native country who were trying to overthrow his country’s government and install a new communist regime. In the midst of his story, he looked at the professor and asked a strange question.
He asked: “Do you know how to catch wild pigs?” The professor thought it was a joke and asked for the punch line. The young man said that it was no joke. “You catch wild pigs by finding a suitable place
in the woods and putting corn on the ground. The pigs find it and begin to come every day to eat the free corn. “When they are used to coming every day, you put a fence down one side of the place where they are used to coming. When they get used to the fence, they begin to eat the corn again and you put up another side of the fence.
“They get used to that and start to eat again. You continue until you have all four sides of the fence up with a gate in the last side. “The pigs, which are used to the free corn, start to come through the gate to eat that free corn again. You then slam the gate on them and catch the whole herd. “Suddenly the wild pigs have lost their freedom. They run around and around inside the fence, but they are caught. Soon they go back to eating the free corn. They are so used to it that they have forgotten how to forage in the woods for themselves, so they accept their captivity.”
The young man then told the professor that is exactly what he sees happening in Canada .
The government keeps pushing us toward Communism/Socialism and keeps spreading the free corn out in the form of programs such as supplemental income, tax credit for unearned income, tax exemptions, tobacco subsidies, welfare entitlements, medicine, drugs, etc., while we continually lose our freedoms, just a little at a time.
One should always remember two truths: There is no such thing as a free lunch, and you can never hire someone to provide a service for you cheaper than you can do it yourself. Name withheld by request. Originally post Fall 2014.
Bill83. The threat of abusive lawsuits claiming damages like slander and defamation is deterring a significant number of Ontarians from speaking out against big business on issues of public interest.
Our tweet from Feb22 2015 shows an interest in related freedom of expression concerns.
Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (SLAPP) are lawsuits brought by companies with the specific aim of distracting or silencing defendants. The defendants, usually ordinary citizens or public interest groups, feel threatened by the prospect of paying legal fees over several years and the possibility of paying large damage awards in the end. Even if the lawsuits have no merit, they often result in a “chill” on free speech in general because SLAPPs are also meant to intimidate the general public who are watching it all play out in the media.
John Gerretsen Attorney General Kingston and the Islands.
Attorney General John Gerretsen has introduced Bill 83 ( In its 2nd reading at the time of this original posting, now referred to the Standing Committee on Social Policy CP) to address this dubious use of Ontario’s publicly funded court system. The proposed legislation would force the courts to identify within 60 days whether a suit was in the public interest or an intimidation tactic to limit debate on an important local issue.
In communities facing fast paced economic development, this legislation is sure to play an important role in protecting the ordinary courage of citizens to tell their story, to share local knowledge and research findings and to insist on an authentic community vision for a healthy and sustainable future. For the Silo, Leslie Cochran.Originally published in print March 21, 2014.
The bypasses and bridges of Haldimand County On February 28, 2006, Janie Jamieson and Dawn Smith led a blockade shutting down construction of Caledonia’s Douglas Creek Estates. The subdivision has been occupied by native activists ever since.
Protesters tend to a burning blockade at Douglas Creek Estates in 2006.
Over the ensuing nine years, protests and demands have had an impact on traffic, construction and plans for future transportation projects in the area.
For example, last year work to replace the 1924 Cayuga bridge ground to a halt twice because of aboriginal protesters occupying the site. Charges weren’t laid for stopping construction. Arguments can be made occupying the bridge impedes the public’s ability to use the bridge, and further I consider this mischief.
During debate in the Ontario Legislature, I maintained the shutdown was beyond the control of the Minister of Transportation and the Minister of Aboriginal Affairs. When the protestors show up, construction workers pack up and go home. Last week, as well as last December, I advocated the Minister of Community Safety take control of affairs.
And there’s another ongoing question: Nine years ago, I distributed every MPP in the Legislature a photograph showing a group of people throwing a van off an overpass at Haldimand County Sixth Line, on to the provincial highway below. In my estimation, that goes beyond mischief. Theft over $5,000 and public endangerment come to my mind. Still, despite photographic evidence of the perpetrators nine years ago, no charges have been laid.
If you break the law, you pay the penalty. Justice is blind and nobody is above it. The rule of law is based on a strict set of principles to which we all agree as a society. The rule of law is not subject to raw emotion, financial influence, or political correctness.
Our debate of Bill 31, the Making Ontario’s Roads Safer Act has now opened the proposed legislation for public hearings.
I also believe government is missing the mark and endangering lives on Haldimand County roads and bridges by not tackling other long-overdue construction issues on provincial highways #3 and #6. In my speech to Bill31, I highlighted other public safety and traffic congestion concerns related to Highway #6 that aren’t being addressed.
Unfortunately, yet another fatal accident last month north of Caledonia highlighted the need. Several residents contacted me with ideas on how to address the problem. I forwarded those to the minister along with a cover letter, and communication continues. There are four lanes, high traffic volumes and no barriers between Caledonia and Upper James in Hamilton. I advocate relieving traffic volume by completing the planned link from the Hamilton airport bypass to the Caledonia bypass bridge – a new stretch of road that would parallel the problematic #6.
The downtown Caledonia bridge, which was built in 1927, is long overdue for replacement. Hopefully, after 11 years of lobbying, we will see action this year.
There is also obvious need for a Hagersville truck bypass to finally deal with the noise congestion and serious accidents downtown.
I suspect DCE and the protests at the Cayuga bridge are fuelling reticence in a government that construction will re-ignite tensions and result in more protests. This is truly unfortunate as not addressing the problem can be downright dangerous.
Now that’s something the Making Ontario’s Roads Safer Act could address, but probably won’t. For the Silo, Toby Barrett MPP Haldimand-Norfolk
We see them on TV; dressed in impeccably-cut suits, with a picture-perfect smile and a never-ending supply of smooth rhetoric. Dr. Tyler Belknap is the epitome of a charismatic, fast-talking preacher who has convinced his cult-like following that, with the help of his Bible-based program, they will enrich their lives with maximum health and longevity.
Belknap is the lead protagonist in Monte Wolverton’s newly-released debut book, Chasing 120: A Story of Food, Faith, Fraud and the Pursuit of Longevity – a story of intrigue and truths and a remarkable tale of what can happen to people’s dreams when they put their faith in a high-profile religious leader rather than God.
From his vast Oregon-based Wellness 120 empire, Tyler Belknap charms and targets Christian consumers, influencing them to dig deep into their pockets – enticing them with Biblical-sounding promises of a healthier life following his recommended regimen. While some believe their health is improved, others suffer serious side effects after taking his specially formulated supplements and GMO’s that are developed in a secret underground research facility in the foothills of the Cascade Mountains. But this does not deter Dr. Belknap who keeps this information from the public by bribing city officials and politicians – and who will stop at nothing to keep whistleblowers at bay.
But as much as the fast-talking doctor would like his followers to stay in a state of confusion, he’s not able to keep the negative effects of GMO’s from hitting the news and the public eye. People hear that results from studies done on lab animals cite serious findings, such as, organ damage, immune system disorders, infertility – and yes, aging! Ironically, the polar opposite of Belknap’s claims of longevity!
Since the truth eventually finds its way to the surface, readers learn that a Belknap employee and his wife find themselves at the center of a huge crisis when it’s discovered their son developed brain damage from one of the substance-laced foods. As their fragile house of cards begins to topple, they are forced to admit that the leader they have long admired is, in fact, a crook!
About the Author
An example of Monte’s syndicated political cartoons.
Monte Wolverton celebrates life through his creative talents as a designer, artist, cartoonist and writer. Formerly the managing editor and design director for Plain Truth magazine, his editorial cartoons are internationally syndicated. Wolverton is an ordained minister and holds a MA from Goddard College in Vermont. He resides in Vancouver, Washington.
About Plain Truth Ministries
Plain Truth Ministries invites audiences to discover authentic Christianity without the legalistic religion through online and print media, including magazines, books and radio, at www.ptm.org.
Available at online outlets and author’s website: Chasing 120 – A Story of Food, Faith, Fraud and the Pursuit of Longevity By Monte Wolverton Publisher: Plain Truth Ministries ISBN-13: 978-1-889973-15-9
Wayne Jacobsen, author and President of Lifestream Media: “Monte Wolverton’s first novel is a heady brew of faith and finances as people’s spiritual hungers are exploited by an unscrupulous man bent on making money under the guise of making disciples. Chasing 120 will take you on a ride through the perils of greed, misplaced faith, and awakening to the truth no matter how painful. “
Dan Wooding, author, broadcaster, journalist, and founder of the ASSIST News Service: “…Having known Monte for almost 20 years, I know he has the necessary credentials and experience to write this fascinating story, filled with Christ-centered, real life lessons. [He] addresses some contemporary concerns and problems, as they might meet in a “perfect storm” with dysfunctional Christianity. This story moves and keeps the reader interested…You won’t regret reading it, and I am certain you will recommend it to friends. This story is guaranteed to both entertain you and to make you think.”
Christi Silbaugh – Freelance writer: “Chasing 120 brings to the forefront issues that surround us today, with so many people following rogue religions and corrupt politicians, instead of educating themselves, asking questions, and standing up when something isn’t right. This book is a delightful read that from the beginning to the end will have your mind wondering how much it actually parallels what is going on in today’s world with the hunger for youth and longevity at its peak. Are you chasing 120?”
It’s been called the silent killer and CO (Carbon Monoxide) is a poison and found outside and within our homes CP
Keeping Ontarians Safe from Carbon Monoxide- Ontario is taking another step to keep families and homes in Ontario safe by making carbon monoxide alarms mandatory in all residential homes.
The new regulation, which comes into effect October 15, updates Ontario’s Fire Code following the passage of Bill 77 last year. These updates are based on recommendations from a Technical Advisory Committee which was led by the Office of the Fire Marshall and Emergency Management and included experts from fire services, the hotel and rental housing industries, condo owners and alarm manufacturers.
Carbon monoxide detectors will now be required near all sleeping areas in residential homes and in the service rooms, and adjacent sleeping areas in multi-residential units. Carbon monoxide alarms can be hardwired, battery-operated or plugged into the wall.
QUOTES
” We want Ontarians to be aware of the dangers of carbon monoxide poisoning because these tragedies are preventable. The change to the Fire Code is all about making sure we keep our families and homes safe. I urge all Ontarians to install a carbon monoxide alarm in their homes immediately.”
– Yasir Naqvi
Minister of Community Safety and Correctional Services
Road vehicles and transportation make up 85% of Ontario’s CO pollution
” Mandating the installation and maintenance of carbon monoxide alarms in existing homes with a fuel-fired heating system or appliance, fireplace or attached garage under the Fire Code, and providing the authority for municipal fire services to conduct inspections and promote CO awareness, are significant steps forward for enhancing public safety.”
– Tadeusz (Ted) Wieclawek
Ontario Fire Marshal & Chief of Emergency Management
” The fatal effects of carbon monoxide left us with an irreplaceable family loss. Keep your family safe and install a CO alarm so we can combat the silent killer.”
– John Gignac
Co-Chair, Hawkins-Gignac Foundation for CO Education
QUICK FACTS
* More than 50 people die each year from carbon monoxide poisoning in Canada, including 11 on average in Ontario.
* Bill 77, an Act to Proclaim Carbon Monoxide Awareness Week and to amend the Fire Protection and Prevention Act, 1997, received royal assent in December 2013.
* The first Carbon Monoxide Awareness Week will take place November 1-8, 2014.
* The Ontario Building Code requires the installation of carbon monoxide alarms in homes and other residential buildings built after 2001.
NOUVELLES- ministère de la Sécurité communautaire et des Services correctionnels
L’Ontario prend une nouvelle mesure pour protéger les familles et les foyers ontariens en rendant obligatoire l’installation d’avertisseurs de monoxyde de carbone dans toutes les habitations.
Le nouveau règlement, qui entre en vigueur le 15 octobre, met à jour le Code de prévention des incendies de l’Ontario à la suite de l’adoption du projet de loi 77 l’année dernière. Ces mises à jour visent à renforcer la sécurité de la population ontarienne. Elles s’appuient sur les recommandations d’un comité consultatif technique dirigé par le Bureau du commissaire des incendies et de la gestion des situations d’urgence et composé d’experts des services d’incendie, des secteurs de l’hôtellerie et de la location à usage d’habitation, de propriétaires de condos et de fabricants d’avertisseurs.
Des avertisseurs de monoxyde de carbone seront désormais exigés à proximité des chambres à coucher dans les maisons, ainsi qu’à l’intérieur des locaux techniques et à proximité des chambres à coucher adjacentes dans les immeubles à logements multiples. Les avertisseurs de monoxyde de carbone peuvent être câblés, fonctionner sur piles ou être branchés dans une prise murale.
CITATIONS
« Nous voulons que les Ontariens et Ontariennes soient conscients des risques d’intoxication au monoxyde de carbone parce que ces tragédies sont évitables. Cette modification au Code de prévention des incendies vise à protéger nos familles et nos foyers. J’exhorte tous les Ontariens et Ontariennes à installer immédiatement un avertisseur de monoxyde de carbone à leur domicile.»
– Yasir Naqvi
ministre de la Sécurité communautaire et des Services correctionnels
« En rendant obligatoires, en vertu du Code de prévention des incendies, l’installation et l’entretien d’avertisseurs de monoxyde de carbone dans les maisons existantes dotées d’un système de chauffage ou d’un appareil à combustible, d’une cheminée ou d’un garage attenant, et en conférant aux services d’incendie municipaux le pouvoir d’effectuer des inspections et de promouvoir la sensibilisation au CO, nous franchissons des étapes importantes pour améliorer la sécurité du public. »
– Tadeusz (Ted) Wieclawek
commissaire des incendies et chef de la gestion des situations d’urgence de l’Ontario
« Nous avons perdu des membres irremplaçables de notre famille à cause des effets mortels du monoxyde de carbone. Protégez votre famille et installez un avertisseur de CO afin que nous puissions lutter contre le tueur silencieux.»
– John Gignac
Fondation de l’éducation au CO Hawkins-Gignac
FAITS EN BREF
* Plus de 50 personnes meurent chaque année d’intoxication au monoxyde de carbone au Canada, dont 11 personnes en moyenne en Ontario.
* Le Projet de loi 77, Loi proclamant la Semaine de sensibilisation au monoxyde de carbone et modifiant la Loi de 1997 sur la prévention et la protection contre l’incendie, a reçu la sanction royale en décembre 2013.
* La première semaine de sensibilisation au monoxyde de carbone se déroulera du 1er au 8 novembre 2014.
* Le Code du bâtiment de l’Ontario exige l’installation d’avertisseurs de monoxyde de carbone dans les maisons et autres immeubles d’habitation construits après 2001.
* Le Code de prévention des incendies de l’Ontario (disponible en anglais seulement)<http://www.e-laws.gov.on.ca/html/regs/english/elaws_regs_070213_e.htm>
The daisyrock debutante guitar, ready to break a few hearts
As a younger man, I was like a cat in a bag, probably not unlike most, scratching for meaning and adventure. So when I got the chance for a job teaching in the Bahamas, I decided to go for it. Before I went out to my post on the island of Andros, I stopped over in Nassau to meet with my cousin who lived there. She cooked me dinner, and afterward she showed me around her house. In the basement there was a sandy old guitar leaning against the wall. She didn’t play it anymore and suggested I take it out to the island. I told her I didn’t know how to play, didn’t know anything about music, and didn’t want to take it. But I took it anyway. That teaching job was a total washout, but that’s a story for another time. Six weeks later I was back in Canada, with no job for a year, living with my parents again as a 29 year-old. It was a difficult circumstance. For some reason, that old guitar made the trip back to Canada with me, and I remember it staring at me in my bedroom. I didn’t know E from G, but decided that for me to be in this situation, with this guitar, with the time to learn it, was some kind of important sign I needed to recognize. So I started taking lessons, once a week, at my local hometown music store. Like any beginner it was a struggle, but struggle I did, learning those Neil Young songs that all the kids start with. It was very liberating. A couple of years later I met a real nice girl—Lisa, a chiropractor. Definitely marriage material. I’d been seeing her for quite a while, and it was getting to that crux-time of commitment, where future plans need solidifying, lest a biological clock begin to ring too loudly.
I was keenly aware of my responsibilities and knew that I loved this girl, but I just wasn’t sure if I was ready or not. The soul-searching had been going on for weeks and the matter continued to be grey, and I’m certain she felt me creating a certain distance while I figured things through. It was at my house one day when decisiveness finally cleared a path through my tangled emotions. “Don’t worry, I’m not going to leave you” came out of my mouth. Lisa wasn’t in the house when I said that. Nobody was. But my guitar was sitting snugly in its stand, and it heard those words, and that was it. I broke up with Lisa the next day.
Such an important part of that decision was knowing my guitar playing would essentially stop if I went to the next level with her, and I was just starting to make real leaps in my ability, and had so much further to go since I’d started so late in my life. I couldn’t leave it behind now. The chapter was still being written. As much as I loved Lisa, I had to let her move on. Since then I’ve probably written 100 songs (definitely a couple about that situation), released a CD, cut my teeth in Nashville…too many things to mention. I’ve met so many great people and had so many great opportunities because of that guitar. The spirit and the energy surrounding it all is unparalleled. None of it would have been realized if I had different words for my guitar that day. As tough as it was, I know I made the right decision. Lisa is married and has a child now, and I feel really good about that.
For the Silo by John McIntosh (Speaking of Nashville, it really is true that you’ve got to “know when to hold ’em, know when to fold ‘em.” It’s a key to life. I’m reminded as well of a cameo in the Canadian road movie One Week. Tragically Hip frontman Gordon Downie is questioned by the protagonist: “How do you know if you’re really in love.” His answer is uncommonly succinct: “If you have to ask, you’re not.” Maybe the real question is: who, or what, do you love enough to live by? ed.)
According to a 2011 Swedish study couples in which one partner commutes a long way to work (more than 45 mins.) are 40% more likely to divorce than couples who don’t have to travel so far for their jobs. More: http://umu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:415050
Mike Schreiner, leader of the Green Party of Ontario and candidate in Guelph, wants to get you home faster and will be honest about how to do it.
“Our great grandparents invested in Niagara Falls to power our homes and businesses. Our grandparents invested in 400 series highways to move the goods we produce. Those investments have powered Ontario’s economy,” says Schreiner. “Our generation must invest in the transit infrastructure needed to move our economy forward in the 21st century.”
The average daily commute time in the GTHA is 80 minutes long. That’s the equivalent of eight 40-hour work weeks every year — or about seven years in a working lifetime. Gridlock costs us $6 billion a year and will cost more than double that by the end of the decade.
“We can fix gridlock for less than it costs,” says Tim Grant, Green Party Transportation Critic and candidate in Trinity-Spadina. “It mystifies me that the other parties promise the moon but can’t tell us where the money is coming from, as if we’re children who believe in the tooth fairy.” The Green Party is willing to say how much it will cost and where the money is going to come from. We propose a combination of province-wide and urban-focused mechanisms (including a gas tax, congestion charges, commercial parking levies, and land value capture) to produce the revenue necessary — $3 billion a year — to build and operate the public transit and transportation infrastructure we need.
“For $250 a year for each person in Ontario, we can solve a lot of problems,” says Scheriner. “We can save people months stuck in traffic. We can lower costs for businesses trying to get goods to market. We can help employees take the jobs they want because they know they can get to work.”
The Green Party is committed to bringing better transit to Ontario, and honesty, integrity, and good public policy to Queen’s Park. For the Silo, Candice Lepage.
“Andrea Horwath’s decision to force this election has put all of these improvements at risk of Tim Hudak’s slash and burn agenda.” Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne
Premier Kathleen Wynne spoke to high school students about leadership today at a Free the Children event at Richmond Hill High School. A proud graduate of Richmond Hill High School, Premier Wynne was excited to return to her alma mater. She joined Marc Kielburger and Free the Children to discuss leadership and her values as Premier.
Wynne told the students that leadership is about standing up for what’s right, even when others try to shout you down. Leaders have a vision, and they are willing to work with others to make it a reality.
As Ontario Premier, Wynne has led by making the tough decisions that are necessary to ensure our economic recovery and make our province a better place to live and do business, including:
·Ontario Liberals introduced the 30% Off Tuition Grant, which saves eligible students with $1,730 on tuition in degree programs and $790 for students in diploma or certificate programs. Last year, the grant supported about 230,000 students with the cost of post-secondary.
·Investing $295 million over two years for the highly successful Ontario Youth Jobs Strategy, which gives young people the opportunity to gain a foothold in the job market. The strategy has already helped over 10,000 young people get work experience and find jobs.
·Standing up to Stephen Harper and the federal government after they refused to address the emerging pension crisis. Premier Wynne proposed an Ontario Retirement Pension Plan, a made-in-Ontario solution to help people save for their retirement.
·Kathleen Wynne Liberals have a plan that includes more than $11 billion for elementary and secondary education infrastructure and $11.4 billion in major hospital expansion and redevelopment projects.
Andrea Horwath’s decision to force this election has put all of these improvements at risk of Tim Hudak’s slash and burn agenda.
On June 12, Ontarians will choose between Premier Wynne’s plan for jobs and growth and Tim Hudak’s radical cuts.
QUOTE
“There’s nothing more inspiring than speaking with young people. I can’t wait to see the great leaders that they become. I believe that leadership is about making tough decisions – ones that provide opportunity now, as well as into the future. That’s what I will continue to do as Premier of Ontario.”
– Premier Kathleen Wynne
QUICK FACTS
·Kathleen Wynne’s Liberals have a 10-year plan for a stronger Ontario that includes creating jobs with a new $2.5 billion Jobs and Prosperity Fund.
·Our plan includes investing $130 billion in transit, infrastructure, hospitals and schools to make Ontario a better place to live and do business.
·According to the Mowat Centre, the people of Ontario contributed $11 billion more to the federal government than they received in return in 2009–10. This represents about $850 per Ontarian. For the Silo, Rebecca MacKenzie
“For many years, the GPO has called for the merger of the Catholic and public school boards into one English board and one French board. The cost savings of this merger could fund special education needs, protect communities from school closures, and address persistent human rights concerns. GPO”
Green Party of Ontario leader Mike Schreiner is calling for the Liberal government to immediately make funds available so that kids with special needs can go to school every day.
“It is unacceptable for the Liberals to fail kids with special needs when the money is there,” said Schreiner. “Right now we are wasting it on duplicate services and empty chairs. If Ontario ended school segregation and merged the public and Catholic boards, we could save more than $1 billion a year.”
According to a study conducted by People for Education, 49% of school principals have asked parents to keep children with special needs at home, mainly staffed. In elementary schools there is only one special education teacher per 37 students with special needs. In high schools the number falls to one for every 74 students.
“I have to say I’m ashamed. How can we be failing these kids in this way?” said Schreiner. “I’m not even sure it’s legal,” he added. The
Education Act requires that children attend school unless they are ill.
For many years, the GPO has called for the merger of the Catholic and public school boards into one English board and one French board. The cost savings of this merger could fund special education needs, protect communities from school closures, and address persistent human rights concerns. For the Silo, Amy Watson. To learn more contact 416-977-7476 Please mention the Silo when contacting.
“The treaty maps and related curriculum materials distributed in our schools across Ontario will help provide our students with greater knowledge and a stronger appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation traditions, cultures, and perspectives.” Liz Sandals Minister of Education
Ontario is sending a First Nations and Treaties map to every elementary and high school in the province as a first step towards raising awareness about treaties. The map will help teach students about the significance of treaties and the shared history of First Nations and non-Aboriginal Ontarians.
In partnership with First Nation leaders, new school curriculum about treaties is being developed to give students a better understanding of First Nation communities, cultures and perspectives. Ontario will also be working with First Nation partners to look for other opportunities to raise awareness and to better understand different perspectives on treaties and related issues.
Working with First Nations is part of the government’s plan that is creating jobs for today and tomorrow and focuses on Ontario’s greatest strengths — its people and strategic partnerships.
Quick Facts
A treaty is a negotiated agreement that sets out the rights, responsibilities and relationships of Aboriginal people and the Crown, including the federal and provincial governments.
First Nations and Treaties is the first detailed map of treaties that the Ontario government has published since the 1940s.
Prior to contact with Europeans, First Nations were distinct, independent nations. The treaties they made with the Crown reflect a mutual commitment to working together on areas of common interest and mutual benefit.
Ontario is covered by 46 treaties and other agreements such as land purchases by the Crown signed between 1781 and 1930.
Quotes
David Zimmer
“Treaties are the foundation of the relationship between First Nation communities
and their neighbours. By working together, we are able to better understand one
another – our views, our beliefs, and the treaties without which our province would
not exist.” David Zimmer Minister of Aboriginal Affairs
“The treaty maps and related curriculum materials distributed in our schools across
Ontario will help provide our students with greater knowledge and a stronger
appreciation of contemporary and traditional First Nation traditions, cultures, and
perspectives.” Liz Sandals Minister of Education
“In the Report of the Ipperwash Inquiry I noted that one initiative on which virtually everyone agreed was the importance of teaching Ontarians about treaties and Aboriginal people. This treaties map and the Ontario curriculum introduced since the Inquiry are important steps on the road to reconciliation and wider recognition that we are all treaty people.” The Honourable Sidney B. Linden Commissioner
Chief Thomas Bressette
“The province of Ontario exists as it does because First Nations and settlers made treaties in the past. Those treaties remain vital agreements today. A better understanding of those treaties through education, public awareness and discussion is fundamental to a more prosperous tomorrow for all Ontarians.” Chief Tom Bressette Chippewas of Kettle and Stony Point First Nation
Ontario is expanding and enhancing its Student Nutrition Program so that 56,000 more children and youth will get the nutritional boost they need to succeed at school.
The province is making an initial investment of $32 million over the next three years as part of its five year plan to enhance the Student Nutrition Program. Under the new plan, 340 new breakfast programs will be established in elementary and secondary schools that need it most across Ontario. The program will also be expanded to on-reserve First Nations schools, beginning in northern Ontario.
The Student Nutrition Program provides nutritious breakfasts, snacks and lunches to support healthy development so school children are better prepared to learn.
Expanding the Student Nutrition Program is part of Ontario’s plan to break down barriers for low income Ontarians and address the effects of poverty. By promoting student success, it is also part of the government’s economic plan that is creating jobs for today and tomorrow by focussing on Ontario’s greatest strength – its people and strategic partnerships.
QUICK FACTS
* During the 2012-13 school year, over 695,000 school-age children and youth
benefited from more than 4,200 breakfast, lunch and snack programs.
* Eligible schools are identified based upon socioeconomic data and academic
performance.
* The Healthy Kids Panel Report “No Time to Wait” highlighted the importance of
school nutrition programs.
“Nutritious snacks and meals are critical to the success of every child. We want Ontario’s children to reach their full potential, and this investment is one more way we are helping our children succeed.”
— Teresa Piruzza, Minister of Children and Youth Services
“Expanding the nutrition program is an important Ontario initiative to help our students excel. It is critical that our children benefit from a healthy lifestyle and are offered every opportunity to be at their best.”
— Charles Sousa, Minister of Finance
Being ‘pitched’ again- The Green Party of Ontario believe that by merging Ontario’s Catholic-Separate school board system with Ontario’s Public school board system (ie: a single school for all students) the province would save $1,200,000,000 per year. CP
Queen’s Park – Green Party of Ontario leader Mike Schreiner is calling on the status quo parties to stop playing political games and
focus on getting Ontario’s economy moving again while protecting the people and places we love.
Green Party of Ontario Leader Mike Schreiner
“It is essential that political leaders put the public interest before their political self-interest,” says Schreiner. “Ontario needs an honest debate about making our schools fair and fiscally responsible, halting the record loss of farmland, and reversing the lack of concrete support for small businesses to create jobs.”
The Green Party urges the three other parties to seek solutions to the issues facing Ontario today that will last beyond the
next election.
Schreiner put forward the Green Party’s policy priorities for the spring session:
* A jobs plan that cuts taxes for small businesses by doubling the exemption level for the Employer Health Tax
* Permanent protection for prime farmland and source water, and
* Improving our kids’ education by merging the school boards into one public system with French and English boards to save $1.2 billion each year
“We need to tackle the tough challenges now. Ontario desperately needs new ideas to foster job creation and to protect the people and places we love,” says Schreiner. “The Green Party will continue to hold the government answerable to the people of Ontario.” For the Silo, Becky Smit.
Fact: Fewer than 35 per cent of workers in Ontario have a workplace-based pension plan. Coverage for workers in the private sector is even lower, with only 28 per cent having the benefit of plan membership.
Government Working on Made-in-Ontario Plan
Premier Kathleen Wynne announced today that the Right Honourable Paul Martin has agreed to serve as Special Advisor to the Minister of Finance. Mr. Martin will work with the government on a made-in-Ontario solution to enhance retirement income security for the people of Ontario.
Charles Sousa- Ontario’s Minister of Finance will benefit from Paul Martin’s experiences as Canada’s Prime Minister and Federal Minister of Finances. CP
The announcement followed a meeting between the Premier and the former Prime Minister, where they discussed the urgent need to help hardworking people build a more secure retirement. As federal finance minister, Mr. Martin played an instrumental role in the 1997 federal-provincial agreement to reform the CPP. These reforms were critical to ensuring the plan would be financially sustainable.
Helping people retire with dignity and security is part of the government’s economic plan to invest in people, build modern infrastructure and support a dynamic and innovative business climate.
QUOTES
“I want to thank Paul Martin for taking on this role as Special Advisor. Together, I know we will help protect Ontario’s hardworking people in their retirement with a made-in-Ontario solution that is viable, responsible and puts people first.”
–– Kathleen Wynne, Premier of Ontario
“I am pleased that Paul Martin has agreed to act as Special Advisor on retirement income to the government of Ontario. After the federal government failed to agree to enhance the CPP, our government announced that we will move ahead with a made-in-Ontario solution to enhance retirement savings in the province. Paul Martin will bring a wealth of knowledge and experience as we work towards ensuring that future generations have a more secure retirement.”
–– Charles Sousa, Minister of Finance
QUICK FACTS
The Right Honourable Paul Martin was the 21st Prime Minister of Canada from 2003 to 2006.
Fewer than 35 per cent of workers in Ontario have a workplace-based pension plan. Coverage for workers in the private sector is even lower, with only 28 per cent having the benefit of plan membership.
Retirement savings experts suggest that individuals require 50 to 70 per cent of their pre-retirement income to maintain their standard of living in retirement. Many Ontarians, including middle- and higher-income earners, may not be saving enough to meet this target.
Olivia has been the favourite name for girls since 2008, followed by the same
second, third and fourth place names from last year — Emma, Sophia and Ava. Emily joins the ranks to round out the top five. For boys, Ethan, Jacob and Lucas once again took spots two through four, with Benjamin coming in at five.
Ontario gives parents up to one year to register their newborn’s birth online.
Through the easy-to-use 4-in-1 Newborn Bundle<http://www.ontario.ca/government/register-your-newborn-baby>, they can register their child’s birth and apply for their birth certificate, social insurance number and Canada child benefits, including the Ontario child benefit, in one easy step. Birth certificates ordered online are guaranteed to be mailed within 15 business days or they’re free.
Making it easier for families to access important government services when and where they need them is part of the Ontario government’s economic plan to invest in people, build modern infrastructure and support a dynamic and innovative business climate.
QUOTES
“Parents can register their newly named babies online from the comfort of their own homes. By making it more convenient for families to access our services, we are helping new parents focus on what’s really important.”
— John Milloy, Minister of Government Services
QUICK FACTS
§ More than 99.5 per cent of birth certificates ordered online have been delivered on time.
§ The Ontario Registrar General compiles annual lists of given baby names from registered births in the province for the previous year.
§ ServiceOntario’s 4-in-1 Newborn Bundle was the first of its kind in Canada when it launched in 2007. Since then, more than 720,000 newborns have been registered in Ontario using the service.
§ The Ontario child
benefit<http://www.children.gov.on.ca/htdocs/English/topics/financialhelp/ocb/index.aspx>
provides up to $1,210 per child per year for nearly one million children to support Ontario families.
——————-
Olivia et Liam sont les prénoms les plus populaires pour les filles et pour les
garçons nés en Ontario, et ce, pour la deuxième année de suite.
Olivia est le prénom préféré pour les petites filles depuis 2008. En deuxième,
troisième et quatrième place, il est suivi par les mêmes prénoms que l’an dernier,
soit Emma, Sophia et Ava. Emily s’ajoute à ce palmarès et figure en cinquième place.
Pour les garçons, ce sont les prénoms Ethan, Jacob et Lucas qui l’emportent encore
une fois, en deuxième, troisième et quatrième place respectivement. Ils sont suivis
de Benjamin, qui se classe au cinquième rang.
L’Ontario donne jusqu’à un an aux parents pour enregistrer la naissance de leur enfant par Internet. Grâce au Service d’enregistrement des
nouveau-nés<http://www.ontario.ca/fr/gouvernement/enregistrement-de-votre-nouveaune>,
facile à utiliser, ils peuvent enregistrer la naissance de leur enfant, demander un
extrait de naissance, un numéro d’assurance sociale et leurs prestations pour
enfants du gouvernement fédéral, le tout en une seule étape toute simple. Les
extraits de naissance commandés en ligne sont postés dans les 15 jours ouvrables suivant la commande, et le tout est garanti. En cas de retard, l’extrait de naissance est gratuit.
Offrir aux familles un accès plus facile aux services gouvernementaux au moment et à l’endroit où ils en ont besoin fait partie du plan du gouvernement en matière d’économie visant à investir dans la population, à bâtir une infrastructure moderne et à soutenir un climat d’affaires dynamique et innovateur dans l’ensemble de
l’Ontario.
CITATION
« Les parents peuvent enregistrer en ligne leur bébé avec son prénom sans avoir à sortir de la maison. En facilitant l’accès à nos services pour les familles, nous aidons les nouveaux parents à se concentrer sur ce qui compte vraiment. »
– John Milloy, ministre des Services gouvernementaux.
FAITS EN BREF
§ Plus de 99,5 % des extraits de naissance commandés en ligne ont été livrés à temps.
§ Le registraire général de l’Ontario compile des listes annuelles des prénoms à partir des naissances inscrites dans la province au cours de l’année précédente.
§ Le Service d’enregistrement des
nouveau-nés<http://www.ontario.ca/fr/gouvernement/enregistrement-de-votre-nouveaune>
4 en 1 de ServiceOntario a été le premier du genre au Canada lors de son lancement, en 2007. Depuis, plus de 720 000 nouveau-nés ont été enregistrés en Ontario à l’aide de ce service.
§ La Prestation ontarienne pour
enfants<http://www.children.gov.on.ca/htdocs/French/topics/financialhelp/ocb/index.aspx>
verse jusqu’à 1 210 $ par enfant, par année à près d’un million d’enfants pour
soutenir les familles ontariennes.
Click on the hyperlink above to read the full letter.
Basic income, or guaranteed annual income, is a payment to eligible families or individuals that ensures a minimum level of income. Ontario will design and implement a pilot program to test the growing view that a basic income could help deliver income support more efficiently, while improving health, employment and housing outcomes for Ontarians.
“Ontario is taking a leading role in piloting a modern Basic Income, and we are thrilled that the Honourable Hugh Segal will be lending us his considerable expertise in this regard. We want to ensure that we are developing a thoughtful, evidence-based approach to test the idea of a Basic Income, and we look forward to Mr. Segal’s advice as we begin this work.”
Building a better and more cohesive environment through collaboration
“Citizens vote, not corporations,” says Schreiner. “Government policy should be focused on what’s good for the public. Even the perception that big money might have influence in securing special deals or driving policy decisions is bad for democracy. What about the 100 companies being given a free ride under the new cap-and-trade plan? Are any of them donors to the Liberal party?”
