Tag Archives: NAFTA

Canada Should Embrace Trump Presidency Opportunities

From: Chris Christie
To: Nervous Canadians 
Date: November 6, 2024 
Re: Canada Should Embrace the Opportunities of a Second Trump Presidency

A second Donald Trump presidency, if approached strategically, offers Canada more opportunities than risks.

Donald Trump’s campaign rhetoric is often erratic, of that there is no doubt. And I, as you might have heard, am not a Donald Trump advocate.

But what happens in governance under Trump is a far cry from his provocative online posts or bombastic speeches, as I argued in the latest C.D. Howe Institute Regent Debate. His track record speaks for itself, and whether you choose to acknowledge it or not, Canada has already benefitted from Trump-era policies.

Let’s take the US-Mexico-Canada Agreement – CUSMA in the Canadian rendering – as a prime example. Trump’s renegotiation of NAFTA wasn’t just about putting “America first.” It was about reshaping trade relationships in North America to benefit all three countries. The agreement secured economic ties between the US, Canada, and Mexico in a way that ensures long-term growth for all parties involved.

Trump views that agreement as one of his crowning achievements, and rest assured, it’s not going anywhere. It is a durable platform for growth in North American trade.

Looking forward, the question isn’t whether Trump is unpredictable. It’s whether Canada can recognize and leverage the opportunities his policies present.

With Trump re-elected, his administration will continue to focus on policies that drive economic growth – lower taxes, reduced regulations, and energy independence. A booming US economy means a stronger Canada, as our two economies are deeply intertwined. When one prospers, the other stands to benefit through increased trade and investment.

Trump’s approach to trade – especially tariffs – has often been misunderstood. Yes, his speech-making is aggressive. But we need to separate rhetoric from reality. Trump’s actual policies were more measured than many anticipated. And they will be again. 

The real adversary for Donald Trump is China, not Canada. If Trump tightens the screws on China’s unfair trade practices, it could create space for Canadian companies to flourish on a more level playing field, particularly in sectors like technology and intellectual property, where China has been a major violator.

Trump’s economic philosophy – focused on cutting taxes and regulations to unleash private-sector growth – should also serve as a wake-up call for Canada. Under Prime Minister Trudeau, Canada has taken a ruinous policy road, with higher taxes and more government intervention in business.

But what if Canada aligned itself more closely with the pro-growth policies Trump advocates? 

Imagine the potential for Canadian businesses if they operated in an environment with fewer barriers to growth. A thriving private sector in Canada would strengthen the economy and create more opportunities for collaboration and trade with the US.

I won’t pretend that a second term comes without challenges. But instead of focusing on the personality occupying the Oval Office, Canada should focus on how to navigate the opportunities presented by our shared future as neighbours and trade partners.

It’s time to stop seeing Trump as an unpredictable threat and start recognizing the potential opportunities his policies can bring. Canada stands to benefit if it plays its cards right. For the Silo, Chris Christie.

Chris Christie was the 55th Governor of New Jersey and a participant in the C.D. Howe Institute’s recent Regent Debate. Send comments to Chris via this link.

Canada’s Digital Services Tax is in US Crosshairs 

From: Jon Johnson
To: Global Affairs Canada 

On August 30, the US requested consultations respecting Canada’s Digital Services Tax Act under the dispute settlement procedure set out in the Canada-US-Mexico Agreement (CUSMA). The US maintains that by imposing the tax, Canada has failed to provide US service providers and investors treatment no less favourable than it provides to Canadian service providers and investors. Given Canada’s unique trade relationship with the US, this could have major implications.

The essence of the complaint is that Canada is violating a specific CUSMA obligation to grant US firms terms that are no less favourable than its own companies receive.

This is called national treatment. The crux of the US argument is that the revenue and earnings thresholds are so high that no Canadian service provider would be subject to the tax, but at least some US providers would be. While the DST is not discriminatory on its face, its practical effect is discriminatory. 

Canada’s taxation of digital services has been an on-going contentious issue with the US. The new legislation entered into effect on June 20 and imposes a 3-percent levy – retroactive to January 1, 2022 – on revenue (not income) earned from digital services when certain thresholds are met. Annual gross revenues in a calendar year must exceed €750 million for the tax to apply. The taxpayer must also earn at least C$20 million in Canadian digital services revenue in a calendar year. Affected companies are to start paying the tax next June 30. 

On August 1, the Congressional Research Office released a paper outlining multiple concerns. It cites industry associations that maintain that Canada’s DST could “cost US exporters and the US tax base up to $2.3 billion annually and could directly result in the loss of thousands of full-time US jobs.” The paper also cites possible violations of CUSMA and WTO obligations. 

The paper also notes that the United States Trade Representative (USTR) has applied sanctions under Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act against digital services taxes enacted by other countries. Section 301 is much broader in its application than either CUSMA or the WTO.

The CUSMA panel could decide for the US if the facts establish that only US companies meet the €750 million threshold for overall earnings and whose Canadian digital earnings exceed C$20,000,000. 

Aside from the possibility of an adverse panel decision and action by the US under Section 301, there are other factors that Global Affairs Canada should consider before the Canadian government commences with the retroactive portion of the tax.  

CUSMA is up for renegotiation on July 1, 2026. The process on the US side starts with a USTR report to Congress, due by the end of 2025, that will include an assessment of CUSMA’s operation, as well as a recommendation on CUSMA extension. As Canadian initiatives to impose digital taxes have been a US concern for years now, the recommendation will doubtless address the question of Canada’s DST regime. If that regime remains an open issue and US concerns are not satisfied, the stage could be set for the ultimate demise of CUSMA in 2036.

CUSMA Article 32.6 also provides that a party can withdraw from CUSMA upon giving six months’ notice to the other parties.  

Decision time for the Canadian government falls on June 30, 2025, and it has to decide whether to go ahead and start collecting its retroactive DST and face the inevitable hostile reaction of its largest trading partner. This has to be carefully managed, or this small issue could become a big one. For the Silo, Jon Johnson.

Jon Johnson is a former advisor to the Canadian government during NAFTA negotiations and is a Senior Fellow at the C.D. Howe Institute.

Investor-State Disputes Proliferating, Rules Remain Critical for Canada Business Investment

May 9, 2023 – Investor-state disputes are proliferating around the globe as business investors seek redress for government actions they deem unfair or contrary to investment agreements, according to report from the C.D. Howe Institute. In “Investor-State Disputes: The Record and the Reforms Needed for the Road Ahead,” author and C.D. Howe Institute Senior Fellow Lawrence L. Herman reviews the record of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) procedures, the criticisms directed at them, and the reforms required.

“Despite concerns and criticism, ISDS procedures in international investment agreements are an important development in global governance that should continue to be a part of our international fabric,” says Herman.

Herman examines both Canadian and global cases involving ISDSs, which give private parties the right to bring binding arbitration against governments under International Investment Agreements (IIAs). These rights can be invoked when investors allege a lack of fair and equitable treatment, discrimination or expropriation without adequate compensation contrary to a country’s treaty obligations.

“ISDS has become a significant feature for investments, particularly into developing countries in many parts of the world,” according to Herman.

“However, because of the rights given to private parties, these agreements have become increasingly controversial – especially in an era of increasingly expanding governmental measures on climate change, sustainability, human rights and other issues impacting foreign investors and their investments in one way or another.”

In response to these concerns, multilateral, regional and bilateral efforts are making continuing improvements to ISDS mechanisms when it comes to efficiency, transparency and aspects such as permanent appointments and a system of appeals.

“While some countries have embarked on a program of terminating their bilateral investment agreements, these agreements will continue to remain as a part of the international fabric in many parts of the globe,” says Herman. “They are an important development in global governance and, even if not perfect, they not going to disappear in spite of concerns and criticisms.”

Creating permanent rosters of tribunal members as well as adding an appellate review processes to existing IIAs would help improve ISDS procedures. Short of this, Herman says ongoing efforts could include: i) promoting model arbitration clauses to reduce legal uncertainty and enhance consistency and predictability of outcomes; ii) developing codes of conduct and best practices for adjudicators plus rules to ensure their independence; and iii) making sure appointments to tribunals are of highest quality. Governments should also publicly support the value of third-party arbitration as an objective and neutral process that leads to peaceful resolution of differences, he adds.

Ultimately, investment protection treaties are about risk mitigation with host states bound by treaty to respect obligations of fair and equitable treatment and other rule-of-law standards and providing investors with a degree of assurance, says Herman. “While there are legitimate questions about the process and whether and to what degree investment treaties accomplish these objectives, these suggestions can assist in providing ways forward,” he concludes.

There are some 2,500 international investment agreements (IIAs) in force around the world, whether as stand-alone treaties or incorporated into bilateral or regional free trade agreements (FTAs). They are a significant feature of the international business scene.

A main feature of these agreements is to allow foreign investors to invoke binding arbitration where it is alleged that the host governments have breached fair and equitable treatment and other treaty obligations towards the investors. This is known as Investor-State Dispute Settlement or “ISDS”.

The process gives foreign investors comfort that if things go wrong in host countries, they have recourse to neutral, third-party dispute resolution. It thus provides important elements of risk reduction for foreign investors and their investments, notably aiding the flow of capital from industrialized countries to the developing world.

There has been dramatic escalation of investor arbitration claims over the last two decades. This makes it timely and useful to review the situation, looking at the value of ISDS as well as the criticisms that have emerged over the years. The conclusion is that IIAs and the arbitration process are valuable parts of the corpus of international order and will remain an integral part of the international business scene for the foreseeable future. The issue facing governments, therefore, is how to respond to criticisms by improving, as opposed to abandoning, the ISDS process. This paper suggests some pragmatic ways forward.

A Canadian company, First Quantum Minerals, and the government of Panama are reported to have settled a long-standing tax dispute allowing the company to resume operations at the Cobre Panama mine in that country. Earlier reports were that if the dispute was not resolved by negotiation, the company would invoke arbitration rights under the Canada-Panama Free Trade Agreement.

Had the dispute proceeded, it would have been another example of hundreds of arbitrations that have proliferated around the globe, initiated under various international investment agreements (IIAs) that give private parties the right to bring binding arbitration against governments under Investor-State Dispute Settlement ( ISDS) procedures. Those rights can be invoked, for example, where investors allege lack of fair and equitable treatment, discrimination or expropriation without adequate compensation contrary to that country’s treaty obligations.

In addition to investment treaties, numerous free trade agreements incorporate separate investment dispute settlement provisions, including the former North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA); the Canada-EU trade agreement (CETA); the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) Agreement; and bilateral free trade agreements, such as those between Canada and countries like Chile and South Korea, among others.

As a consequence, ISDS has become a significant feature of the ground rules for investments in many parts of the world, particularly those made into developing countries. Because of the rights given to private parties, these agreements have become increasingly controversial, especially in an era of expanding governmental measures on climate change, sustainability, human rights and more that impact foreign investors and their investments.

In light of these developments, it is useful to briefly update the ISDS record with regard to Canada, look at what lessons might emerge, both in the global and the Canadian context, and suggest some elements to monitor as we go forward.

Criticisms Of ISDS Agreements

As investor arbitrations have proliferated, so have the criticisms, making ISDS one of the more controversial aspects of global governance. Here are some of the main ones:

  • IIAs have given private companies broad rights to challenge host-country actions that can fall within legitimate fields of public regulation, especially now in an era of decarbonization and other national crises like COVID 19.
  • The process involves one-way litigation, with no corresponding right of host countries to bring arbitration cases against investors for disregarding laws, practices and standards of business conduct.
  • The growth of third-party financings of investor claims has stimulated, or at least encouraged, the initiation of ISDS cases.
  • Investment agreements bypass the customary international law norm that requires claimants to first exhaust local remedies before bringing an international claim against a host country.
  • The ISDS structure is defective because its ad hoc tribunals – put together to hear a particular case – make long-term, binding decisions affecting laws or policies enacted for the public interest.
  • Arbitrators’ decisions are final and binding with no avenue of appeal, whether on errors of fact or of law.
  • Because of its ad hoc nature, the system lacks institutional continuity. Public confidence in the system suffers.
  • Arbitrators are appointed from a small — if not closed – pool of international lawyers who are free to act for private interests as counsel in other cases, leading to appearances of conflict and adding to diminished public confidence in the process.7

There are answers to these critiques but the over-arching response, as alluded to above, is that resolving investor-state disputes based on legal norms within an accepted procedural framework remains a significant achievement in the progressive development of international law. As observed in one analysis,

“During the last decade a number of the shortcomings have indeed been addressed and remedied. It is reasonable to assume that this has been done – at least partially – based on the realisation that investment treaty arbitration is the most efficient and reliable dispute settlement mechanism for disputes between foreign investors and host States. There is simply no better, realistic alternative.”8

As already mentioned, ISDS in its various manifestations provides an important element of stability and risk insurance when investing in jurisdictions where legal rules may not be mature or respected, aiding the flow of capital to developing countries and thus presumably helping to meet the international community’s aid and development goals. The system may not be perfect, but efforts are afoot to improve it at many levels.

For the Silo, Lawrence Herman/C.D. Howe Institute.

The author thanks Daniel Schwanen, Charles-Emmanuel Côté, Rick Ekstein, Ari Van Assche, Gus Van Harten and anonymous reviewers for comments on an earlier draft. The author retains responsibility for any errors and the views expressed.

Ontario Greens: Canada European Union Trade Deal Extends To Municipalities

The official description from the Government of Canada is that CETA "is by far the most ambitious trade initiative" image: canada-eu.gc.ca
The official description from the Government of Canada is that CETA “is by far the most ambitious trade initiative” image: canada-eu.gc.ca

Ontario Greens are calling for a public review on the EU trade deal before its final approval.

(Queen’s Park): GPO leader Mike Schreiner is demanding that Premier Wynne conduct a public review on CETA (Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement) before Ontario approves the deal.

“The people of Ontario deserve the right to accept or reject CETA’s sweeping changes before the deal is finalized,” says Schreiner. “Ontario cannot let CETA sell out local decision making, local purchasing policies, and sovereignty over our natural resources and public services without
a public debate on costs and benefits.”

The GPO has raised concerns over CETA in the past. In a letter to then Premier McGuinty last year, the GPO asked to Premier to:

* exempt natural resources, local purchasing programs, public utilities and services such as education and health care, and municipalities from CETA;
* demand open and transparent negotiations, and
* insist the dispute mechanisms are open and fair.

In this excerpt: A look back at what NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Act from 20 years ago) proposals looked like and their predicted impacts. Essay by E.Bernard http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/lwp/nafta.pdf
In this excerpt: A look back at what NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Act from 20 years ago) proposals looked like and their predicted impacts. Essay by E.Bernard
http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/lwp/nafta.pdf

“The Green Party supports free, fair trade with Europe, but NAFTA has taught us that we need to think these things through to prevent
expensive problems after the treaty is signed,” says Schreiner. “Ontarians need to be in control of fundamental decisions about their province and their economy.”

This would be the first trade deal that extends to provinces and municipalities. Over 50 municipalities and school boards have sought an exemption from CETA.

“Ontario must have a public review before approving such sweeping changes to our democratic institutions and local economies,” says Schreiner. “We can’t sell out our sovereignty to multi-national corporations without the people having a voice on the final details of this deal.” For the Silo, Becky Smit

Supplemental- What exactly is CETA supposed to be? http://www.actionplan.gc.ca/en/content/ceta-aecg/canada-eu-trade-agreement

In 2009 conspiracy reports of a Super NAFTA highway made headlines in the US. Here is a CNN brief:

Legislative Assembly Manitoba From 2007- Announcements of a Winnipeg ‘in land port’ with preclearance for international shipping , and a super NAFTA highway joining Manitoba with the US and Mexico via a mid continent trade corridor:

 

Letters To Silo- Concern Over Canada-China Treaty Agreement

Hello Silo, I think this is a very, very important non-partisan political issue.
I believe it is imperative to get the word out to all Canadians.
I hope The Silo will give it some publicity.
It is about the Canada-China Treaty Agreement.
This is a letter I got from Elizabeth May after I sent an eletter to Mr Harper.

“Thank you for your interest in the Canada-China Investment Treaty. Although Stephen Harper prefers to keep Canadians in the dark about this Agreement’s grave implications for our sovereignty, security, and democracy, I am hopeful that we can force the issue into daylight. Your letter proves that you recognize the seriousness and urgency of what is about to take place behind our backs.
While the Canada-China Investment Treaty will likely be our most significant treaty since NAFTA, Stephen Harper plans to sign it into law as early as November 2nd, 2012, without any public consultation, any consultation with First Nations, any Parliamentary debate, or even a single vote in the House of Commons. I do not accept such blatant disrespect for either the will of Canadians or for our democratic institutions.
Sadly, in addition to the anti-democratic process to approve this Agreement, it is the actual content of this investment deal with which I am most concerned. For the first time in Canadian history, the Canada-China Investment Treaty will allow investors (including Chinese state-owned enterprises such as CNOOC or Sinopec), to claim damages against the Canadian government in secret, for decisions taken at the municipal, provincial, territorial or federal level that result in a reduction of their expectation of profits. Even decisions of Canadian courts can give rise to damages.

Realizing what the Conservatives were attempting to do, in secret and without debate, and realizing that we will be bound by this destructive Agreement for up to 31 years once it is ratified, on October 1st, 2012, I made a request in the House of Commons for an Emergency Debate to allow Canada’s democratically elected Members of Parliament to study the implications of the Canada-China Investment Treaty.
Although my request for an Emergency Debate was regrettably denied, we have not given up and are continuing to pursue all available options to stop the treaty’s approval. Given what is at stake, we hope that you will join us.

In addition to the tools found on our Canada-China Investment Treaty campaign site at http://www.greenparty.ca/stop-the-sellout, I urge you to push back against this sell-out of our sovereignty, security, and democracy, and help to educate Canadians by talking to your friends and neighbours, writing letters to the editor in local and national newspapers, calling in to talk radio shows, and filling up the comment boards of news website.

Crucially, this is not a partisan issue, and it is only by coming together to stand up for Canada that we will succeed in stopping this agreement.

Stand up against the sellout to China | Green Party of Canada
www.greenparty.ca
On September 9th, Prime Minister Stephen Harper signed an agreement with China, theCanada-ChinaInvestment Treaty. The agreement was kept from the Canadian public and Parliament until September 26th, 2012, when it was quietly made public, tabled in the House of Commons. No press release. No technical…. Jackie Davies

Follow-up Letter from Mrs. Davies

The Canada-China Investment Treaty is a threat to our national integrity, environmental values, and our autonomy.
And, it is now legal for it to happen without any debate in our nation’s Parliament.

It is the biggest trade deal since NAFTA (1994).

What it will allow is this: Chinese companies (including state-owned enterprises) will be able to sue Canada over decisions that can limit or reduce their expectation of profits. China could claim damages against Canada for decisions at the municipal, provincial, territorial or federal level. Even decisions of our courts can give rise to damages.

It contains the same damaging clauses as NAFTA which are right at this very moment eroding away our Canadian resources and autonomy.

In an email she sent out, Elizabeth May says:
“On November 15th, US-incorporated firm Lone Pine Resources announced its intentions of suing the Government of Canada under the North American Free-Trade Agreement’s infamous Chapter 11. Over what? Quebec’s decision to impose a moratorium on all oil and gas exploration activities in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence.
By announcing the moratorium, Quebec not only made the right decision (the GPC is the only federal party calling for a moratorium on any oil and gas exploration and/or development in the Gulf of St. Lawrence), but it set the standard for every other province. The decision was made by elected officials and with overwhelming support in the population. Every Quebecer still had the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig explosion in mind. Lone Pine argues the decision was “arbitrary”. I say it was not.”

And so do I and thousands upon thousands of other Canadians.

This is not theoretical. This is happening right now with private US corporations. I shudder to think what would happen if Chinese Communist Party-controlled enterprises had this kind of power over our democratic processes.

For more information on what you can do about the Canada-China Investment Treaty
go to this link http://www.greenparty.ca/stop-the-sellout/action

By the way, Green Leader Elizabeth May won top honours at tonight’s 2012 Parliamentarian of the Year Awards, an annual event organised by Macleans’ and L’Actualité. The MPs themselves voted in eight categories to select the winners.

“I am so honoured to receive such an enormous award from my colleagues in the House.” She is the first woman and first Green Party member to win the award.

Jackie Davies

 

*The Silo is a non-partisan online and print publication. The opinions expressed in Letters to the Silo are not necessarily those of the Silo/Mith Media. We welcome all input and encourage informed debate