There is something very strange about the crystal blue waters in the Caribbean Sea, dotted with white sand islands and coconut trees, that seems to attract unsolved mysteries.
But unless the minds behind Wikipedia or mainstream science have a change of heart, the ever-mysterious underwater highway known as Bimini Road will likely remain case-closed.
Thereby hangs a tale common to throngs of mysterious places in the Atlantic Ocean east of the Florida Keys wherein ships, divers, and other witnesses speak of the unexplained—only to be scoffed at, derided, and scorned.
As with the Bermuda Triangle, Atlantis, and the fountain of youth, the Bimini Road joined the list of Caribbean enigmas when, in 1968, Joseph Manson Valentine, Jacques Mayol, and Robert Angove dove 18 feet underwater about a mile off of North Bimini, some 80 miles northwest of the Bahamas, and saw what they described as “pavement” on the ocean floor.
A host of roughly rectangular stone slabs, they reported, rounded like loaves of bread by the sand and current over centuries, formed a flawlessly straight line. Its main feature stretched over 2,600 feet and curved like a “J” at one end. There were two smaller line features. Megalithic in size, the blocks were each 7 to 13 feet wide with right angles and seemed laid level by human hands.
The anomaly posed many questions to scientists.
How did it form? Was it made by man or nature? Could advanced civilizations have existed so early as to make this—in the Ice Age? Before the region sank beneath the sea 10,000 years ago? Or could nature have created something so fine-tuned? Thus began a clash of ideas.
There were two camps.
One dove down and saw a man-made road. Scientists and amateurs alike looked, and their eyes told them enough: this could not be natural.
The other camp was more skeptical. To avoid rocking the boat (figuratively speaking), they used science to explain the road to fit the foregoing research: it was natural.
As discoveries go, this one saw funded scientists fly in to investigate. Eugene Shinn from the University of Miami’s Department of Geology was foremost among them. Mr. Shinn dove down in 1978 and took radiocarbon core samples. Ultimately, he stated, it was beachrock—a mix of sand, shells, and cement—created by nature.
The so-called “consensus” of science that grew out of Mr. Shinn’s research, more or less, says this: Bimini Road formed under the surface of the island.
It was exposed by coastal erosion some 2,000 years ago. Its gaps at regular intervals were opened by natural jointing. This view is widely held and amplified on Wikipedia today.
The other camp is less uniform. Visiting Bimini Road, the notion was put forward: there was “overwhelming evidence that the road is made-made.” Their voices spoke from less lavish soapboxes: alternative media, websites, books, anecdotes. Much of it smacks of “New Age” and probably is sprinkled (or drenched) with misinformation to smear those brave voices speaking truth to orthodoxy. And there were voices whose minds changed.
Among the theorists, archaeologist William Donato suggested that Bimini Road isn’t a road; the line of stones forms a wall known as a breakwater, built to protect a prehistoric settlement from waves. This engendered its alter ego: Bimini Wall.
One of the strongest arguments for a man-made Bimini Road comes from Gavin Menzies’s (former British Submarine Commander and amateur historian) book, “1421: The Year China Discovered the World.” He writes: “Small stones are placed underneath larger ones, apparently to make the sea-bed level;” the structure “contains arrow-shaped ‘pointers’ that can only have been man-made;” and “some small square stones have tongue and grooved joints.”
Mr. Menzies, considered an outlier in both camps, believes ancient Chinese explorers anchored here and built the road as a slipway to repair a ship.
In 2022, British author Graham Hancock appeared on Joe Rogan’s podcast to discuss the road. He said it was artificially “propped up” and “leveled out” with smaller rocks. “When you dive on it,” he told Mr. Rogan, “it’s impossible to believe it’s entirely the work of nature.”
And there have been accounts that got their wires crossed.
Ironically, both Wikipedia and Mr. Menzies offer polar opposite arguments but cite the same man.
Mr. Menzies noted David Zink, who explored Bimini Road in 1974, mentioning “small stones” under the larger ones being a second layer beneath the Bimini Road. Wikipedia also cited Mr. Zink but with a reversal: the conclusion about this second layer “was likely incorrect.”
Amid all the clashing, we managed to obtain exclusive insight into the debacle.
Psychologist Greg Little, author of “Edgar Cayce’s Atlantis,” revealed to the newspaper another flip-flop. He claims to have evidence of scientists altering core samples to support that Bimini Road was naturally formed. He says they admitted being pressured to do so by “all the craziness” surrounding Bimini Road, that it was “done for fun,” and it was done “to make a good story.”
To verify Mr. Little’s claims, the scientist in question was contacted directly who replied they were “not going to nit-pick over Little’s concerns.”
If true, the claim raises questions: Why would the orthodoxy mislead? What do they stand to gain by disproving ancient man’s involvement in the creation of Bimini Road?
This was posed to Mr. Little, who drew on psychology to explain:
“All contradictions to their beliefs are probably perceived as a direct threat to them professionally and psychologically,“ he said. ”The long history of science has countless examples of widely held beliefs that were proven wrong by research. But even in the face of incontrovertible proof that these beliefs were wrong, many so-called scientists refused to accept the new evidence.”
As for Bimini Road—whether it’s case-closed, as the “consensus” says, or mysterious as ever—there’s perhaps a way to know: Visit Bimini Road. Swim the crystal blue waters. Witness its wonders yourself with your eyes. For the Silo via Michael Wing & friends at theepochtimes.com.
Did you know that Lithuania has a museum of amber that showcases the legends surrounding this compound’s mystical healing properties, inquires into its scientific characteristics, and preserves the cultural heritage of the Baltic region?
The new Mizgiris Amber Museum is strategically located in the resort town Nida on the Curonian Spit that has been inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List for its distinct flora, unique fauna, and ethnographic legacy.
Characterized by immense drifting sand dunes, tourist-favorite beaches, and unique cultural heritage, the UNESCO-listed Curonian Spit of Lithuania is one of the most visited parts of the Baltics. That is why the new Mizgiris Amber Museum has been situated in Nida—a resort town located at the heart of Curonian Spit, where amber collecting has been considered as the traditional craft of the region.
The museum seeks to preserve the unique history of this Baltic legacy, commonly referred to as “Lithuanian Gold”, and introduce it in a new interactive way.
“Amber has played a significant role in Lithuanian culture. Baltic tribes used solid amber as early as 2000-1800 BC to craft jewelery and weaving tools, treat diseases and shield people from evil spirits. Meanwhile, amber incense was used to protect children, newlyweds, and soldiers going to war. We seek to showcase these amber traditions through the expositions of our museum,” said Virginija and Kazimieras Mizgiris, museum’s founders and locally-renowned cultural activists.
Continuing the deeply-rooted amber traditions, amber is widely used in Lithuania to this day, for instance, in the Lithuanian wellness industry.
Since these agents are known to strengthen the immune system, some SPAs utilize amber oil to perform massages and other procedures. Also, the material has been found to exude extra health-boosting compounds when heated, therefore, a few wellness centers utilize amber as tiling material for sauna interior. Educating the public about the material’s medicinal properties remains part of the mission of the people who are active in the amber industry today.
Before the museum opened in June 2021, The Palanga Amber Museum was a major tourist attraction in Lithuania.
However, it has a pronounced focus on the way this material was used in decorating Lithuanian palaces in the late 18th to early 20th centuries. Meanwhile, the main concept of the new museum in Nida is an amber river which showcases the path amber travels from nature to culture. The exhibition features rare amber and works of art, complemented by a virtual story on the formation of amber with its various forms, colors, fossilized inclusions, and more.
“What we seek to achieve with this exposition is presenting amber in a modern and interactive way. We hope to make the history of amber, as well as the Baltic legacy, more accessible to a broader audience—both young and old, foreign visitors and locals as it shines light on the part of Lithuanian heritage that has not reached the mainstream culture,” said Mr. Mizgiris.
This is not the first cultural initiative, sponsored by Mrs. and Mr. Mizgiris. The couple has been immersed in the amber business for about three decades and has founded several other amber galleries in Lithuania’s capital Vilnius and the Curonian Spit. They organize educational programs, art exhibitions, and have published several photo collections internationally. The passion for amber of Kazimieras Mizgiris is also reflected in his personal life as he has a collection of amber from all over the world.
The Mizgiris Amber Museum is located in Nida at Nagliu st. 27 and greets visitors all-year-round.
Visiting both the famous resort town and the newly-opened museum allows visitors to experience Lithuania as a real nation of amber. In fact, Lithuania’s most recent tourism campaign makes the visit even more convenient as it promotes the opportunity to stay longer in the country by compensating visitors’ third-night stay in over 200 accommodation providers.
Featured image: The priest E.Atkočiūnas showcases Museum amber with ancient mosquito inclusions.
The Haldimand-Norfolk Archaeological Research Project was a regional study meant to discover new information about the past that has impacted the region such as; glaciers, climate change, prehistoric and historic settlements, wildlife, and geologic formations.
The agricultural lands of Norfolk and Haldimand County combined is approximately 2,286.49 km2 and is identified as a zone of geologic, archaeological, and historical significance, promising to reveal a great deal about past environmental events and people.
Yet, the urbanization of agricultural lands continues to alter the landscape by removing evidence of forests, tributaries, reduced land elevations, current and past ecologies, and lastly, evidence that people and their descendants once crossed the landscape of this region. For these reasons a regional study was initiated before this information is lost forever.
When you take a closer look at the landscape you can find physical evidence proving that this region is unique.
Evidence such as the scrapes and grooves on bedrock surfaces by glaciers, erratics and drumlins left behind when glaciers melted away.
Watersheds and their tributaries, originally a result of glacial melt water, continue to drain seasonal waters from the agricultural lands year round. Present day Carolinian forests represent evidence of climatic changes in the great lakes region that supported a successful transition from a tundra-like environment over 10,000 years ago.
Mega mammals such as mastodon once roamed the ecosystems of Southern Ontario only to disappear and be replaced by other mammal species.
Geologic formations date back over 80 million years ago where fossils of coral reefs can be found and chert formations were formed and found across Haldimand County. People identified as Paleo-Indians used these same chert formations over 8,000 years ago to make stone tools as they crossed the landscape.
Regional studies were long-term and paid special attention to all aspects of a changing environment and landscape from one region compared to another. Typically, a regional study combines different scientific disciplines (e.g., archaeology, geology, hydrology, and paleobotany) that can bring specialists to assist with the recovery of new information. The results of a scientific study can produce new and unexpected insights into how the environment within a landscape once looked and how it was used by people.
Studies such as this create opportunities for community heritage to improve public awareness and education to understand how long term changes (e.g., climate, urbanization, and development) that can have an impact on a region.
What can a land owner expect when someone comes to their farm as part of a regional study?
Permission is always asked to begin a study of the landscape on private property. For example, I always work independently, and if help is needed, permission is asked to bring an assistant along. Once permission is given the study begins by walking over land repeatedly over a period of time and preferably free of crops.
Walking over open fields creates opportunities to examine the topography of the landscape, tributaries, plant and tree life, natural drainages, tree growth, and land elevations. Observations of prehistoric camps or historical homesteads, and their refuse pits is recorded when found.
Evidence of a camp or homesteads where people lived is called settlement patterns.
When settlement patterns are observed Geographic Positioning System coordinates are collected to record the exact location. Even though archaeological excavations are sometimes necessary, they are restricted to a small area. No excavation activity takes place unless permission is given by the landowner.
Even then, the landowner is first shown where an excavation is proposed on their property, and if crops are on the land, there is an offer of crop damage compensation based on current markets prices for wheat, soy, and corn.
A standard practice for a regional study is to recover and record the location of artifacts (e.g., prehistoric or historic) observed on the ground. These are recovered to gain new scientific insights regarding their origin, exact age, context, and association to surrounding landscapes. This includes the recovery of samples from rock formations for geologic studies.
Since regional studies are focused on private lands, all information is kept confidential and private. Information is not shared with the general public at any level, and there is absolutely no interference with farming practices whatsoever. Its business as usual! If landowners are curious to know what I am learning about the region from studying their farm land I am happy to share this information. For the Silo, Lorenz Bruechert/ Jarrod Barker.
Paris, January, 2023 – The World Heritage Committee meeting in an extraordinary session on Thursday inscribed the Landmarks of the Ancient Kingdom of Saba, Marib (Yemen) on the List of World Heritage in Danger.
The Landmarks of the Ancient Kingdom of Saba, Marib, is a serial property comprising seven archaeological sites that bear witness to the rich Kingdom of Saba and its architectural, aesthetic and technological achievements from the 1st millennium BCE to the arrival of Islam around 630 CE.
They bear witness to the complex centralized administration of the Kingdom when it controlled much of the incense route across the Arabian Peninsula, playing a key role in the wider network of cultural exchange fostered by trade with the Mediterranean and East Africa.
Located in a semi-arid landscape of valleys, mountains and deserts, the property encompasses the remains of large urban settlements with monumental temples, ramparts and other buildings.
The irrigation system of ancient Ma’rib reflects technological prowess in hydrological engineering and agriculture on a scale unparalleled in ancient South Arabia, resulting in the creation of the largest ancient man-made oasis.
The World Heritage Committee used an emergency procedure to inscribe this site on the List of World Heritage in Danger, due to threats of destruction from the ongoing conflict.
The List of World Heritage in Danger provides access to enhanced international assistance, both technical and financial, and helps mobilize the entire international community for the protection of sites.
“In my personal archaeological research I’ve been focused on the shores of Lake Erie (and a few inland sites) beach and general shoreline lithic retrievals— on the Canadian side of the lake—for many years.”
The surf and weather are odd bedfellows, on one hand revealing and on the other destroying, so it seemed obvious to me that I should keep eyes to the ground, sand, and wave line and to pick up what seemed to me to be artifacts.
Occasionally friable materials turn up such as large, disarticulated bones. Even a basket made from reeds turned up. And then there’s the teeth— found in several varied locations and in indirect association with what look to me like artifacts and pierced pebbles.
I’ve yet, however, to find any of this material in situ, i.e. still buried in its confining sediments.
Some of the teeth seem to have been ‘broken’ perpendicular to the long axes, some seem to have been burned and some show calcified deposits of calculus in the interproximal grooves (I worked in dentistry for several years so have a basic understanding of tooth morphology and deposit identification etc).
Some teeth were found inland quite a few miles away from Lake Erie. I later contacted Dr. Danny Walker, RPA, Wyoming Assistant State Archaeologist at the Comparative Osteology Museum and Zooarchaeology Laboratory. I emailed to him photos and descriptions of the teeth. He kindly offered to study several of the teeth. (Dr. Walker is a co-author of the research paper, Unraveling the sequence and structure of the protein osteocalcin from a 42 ka fossil horse, Geochimica et CosmochimicaActa 2006;70(8):2034-44.)
Along with his graduate students, Dr. Walker identified the teeth that I had mailed to him as Equusscotti—Pleistocene ice-age horse. Now the story begins to resemble somewhat the X-files. The established archaeological community here in Ontario and the Royal Ontario Museum (I made all aware of the teeth, the lithics and the identification offered by Dr. Walker) disputed the finds, the identification and the lithics. The Royal Ontario Museum also told me that if I had the teeth dated and they showed as pre-contact, then they would offer this explanation— that the teeth were deposited on the Lake Erie shoreline after being brought aboard lake freighters from Europe; i.e. that they may have filled their ballast with gravels which could have included the teeth.
Putting aside the low probability of this possibility, as well as the fact that Equus scotti is a North American horse, the skeptics have failed to address the fact that some teeth were discovered inland—many miles away from Lake Erie. For the Silo, Jarrod Barker.
Despite a fluctuating legal status since 1892 when the first Criminal Code of Canadawas established, Canadians have remained firmly welded to the idea of a bet. Whether it is a matter of sports betting or the more calculative games provided by casinos, and more recently over the internet, Canadians, it seems, love to gamble.
What it is in the Canadian national psyche that drives this appetite is far from clear.
Those reports that have dealt with the question have tended to look at the administrative and legislative conditions that have enabled the industry to establish itself, rather than asking the more fundamental question of where the appetite for this form of recreation stems from.
There is no doubt that the way the gambling industry in Canada is managed at a state level has meant that local pockets of gambling activity have been allowed to flourish. Smith points to the way that two Criminal Code of Canada amendments (1969 and 1985) were ‘pivotal’ in enabling the expansion of the industry. The first was because it decriminalized lotteries and casinos and the second because it allowed electronic gambling devices whilst also allowing provinces to operate and regulate the industry within their territories. In essence, because there was no one-size-fits-all brake on the industry it was allowed to extend into all those areas where it was not explicitly barred.
Against that historical backdrop the emergence of the internet and the de-territorialised markets it has allowed to develop have seen the Canadian appetite for gambling further supplied.
Such is the extent of the market that European based providers, such as Bet365, the UK’s leading online provider, are going out of their way to woo Canadian punters. Specialist sports books focusing on Canadian sports as well as a long list of games and pursuits that are already well-established across North America – not least poker and blackjack – mean that what these providers are offering is a perfect fit for the Canadian market.
There is a sense that with the US gambling industry seemingly at a tipping point in terms of the full deregulation of online gambling, these global providers are doing everything they can to achieve a presence and a profile on the continent. The basic thinking is that something akin to a gold rush is set to take place once the US marketplace truly opens up, and that rolling out into the US market will be easier from Canada than from Europe.
If this makes it sound as though the Canadian gambling market is somehow merely a stepping stone that is far from the case. Canada’s gambling market is itself measured in the billions of dollars and it is an entirely viable proposition on its own merits.
Of course, what it is that makes Canadians so happy to gamble remains an open question.
. Amidst such a diverse and heterogeneous population is it possible that enjoying a gamble in one form or another is one of the things that unites us as a nation? For the Silo, Jarrod Barker.
Who benefits, and how, from the operation of human social hierarchies?
This article from Michael W. Diehl looks at social and economic inequality and the need to asses the costs and benefits that accrue to persons of varying status in social hierarchies.
This “behavioral ecology” has historically been concentrated on food selection between classes or statuses. Has ancient competition for food resulted in modern human social and economic equality? Read on by clicking on the blue image below. CP
Within the last generation, archaeology has undergone a major transformation, developing from an independent small-scale activity, based upon museums and a few university departments, into a large-scale state organization based upon national legislation.
This has entailed an increase in resources on an unprecedented scale, and has drastically changed the profile of archaeology, which is now firmly fixed within the political and national domains. Moreover, decision making within the discipline has shifted from museums and university departments towards various new national agencies for the conservation and protection of the cultural heritage.
The tradition of archaeology in the Americas (both North and South America) is defined by cross-cultural comparative research that draws heavily on an innovative tradition of regional-scale fieldwork.
Many early archaeo-pioneers worked in multiple culture areas of the Americas, seeking direct connections between the archaeological record and living or historical indigenous peoples, and fostering close ties with the related field of anthropology as a result.
This brief overview covers seminal developments in stratigraphic excavation (the idea that time deposits artifacts in successive layers- the lower the layer, the older the artifact), regional survey, and other field methods within their historical and geographic context.
Such pioneering archaeological efforts across the globe are often lauded for their early attention to stratigraphy and the association of geological or cultural strata with change in human societies over time. In the Americas, as in other parts of the globe, such attention was often the result of non-systematic excavations into mounds of anthropomorphic origin. In other words- ‘grave robbers’. Continue reading by clicking here.For the Silo, David M. Carballo /academia.edu / Department of Archaeology, Boston University/ Jarrod Barker.
Featured image- Archaeological Pioneers Of The Americas Gordon Willey Tula Mexico
For over 25 years archaeological efforts have been ongoing to delineate where potential prehistoric trails exist across the landscape of southern Ontario. Trails were created and used by the earliest inhabitants of the region after glaciers disappeared some 15,000 years ago. One of the roles for a trail system was to help keep people alive.
The challenge to identify the existence of these trails is that they existed approximately 10,000 years ago. The primary region for this research has been Haldimand-Norfolk County. In the past seven years the search for prehistoric trail systems in these two counties has become increasingly intensive as part of the Haldimand-Norfolk Archaeological Regional Project (HNARP) http://www.hnarp.ca/ .
The premise of the regional project is to better understand how early people lived and managed their lives on a landscape once rich with animal, plant, and raw resources such as rock for making stone tools.
A critical activity that has assisted this regional project is permission to walk over farm lands from supportive agricultural land owners to help find these trails. Access to farm lands assists archaeologists to identify where people lived in the region. The land mass of the two counties combined covers approximately 2,000 square kilometers.
Historically, it was always possible to read information written down and recorded about trails in the region. This would include place names and popularly used trails. Even oral history in Haldimand County by senior land owners some 30 years ago mentioned trails used by people to walk across the landscape to neighbouring farms, villages, and the shores of Lake Erie.
To date, archaeologists have identified artifacts left behind by people still exist after 10,000 years of changes to the landscape. One piece of evidence has been the type of stone used for making tools. Throughout the world people searched out different types of rock for making stone tools.
In Haldimand County, chert formations created over tens of millions of years ago can be found. These chert formations have different identifying markers such as colours and fossils that make chert distinct from others. It is these identifying markers that help chert to be identified from its original source and help to develop new evidence to show where and when people lived and crossed the landscape.
It is hoped that finding and identifying the different colour cherts and fossils in the rock will help archaeologists piece together Haldimand-Norfolk County’s long forgotten past. For the Silo, Lorenz Bruechert.
There is a paucity of Palaeolithic art in the southern Levant prior to 15000 years ago. The Natufian culture (15000–11500 BP; Grosman 2013) marks a threshold in the magnitude and diversity of artistic manifestations (Bar-Yosef 1997). Nevertheless, depictions of the human form remain rare—only a few representations of the human face have been reported to date. This PDF article presents a 12000-year-old example unearthed at the Late Natufian site of Nahal Ein Gev II (NEGII), just east of the Sea of Galilee, Israel (see Figure 1 PDF link below). The object provides a glimpse into Natufian conventions of human representation, and opens a rare opportunity for deeper understanding of the Natufian symbolic system.
The NEGII face is carved from a limestone pebble measuring 90×60mm.
Minimalistic manipulation of the pebble’s surface creates a simple but realistic human expression. The artist used the natural form of the pebble to represent the outline of a human head, and slightly modified the stone’s perimeter with a flat band to shape the contours of the face(see Figure 2a PDF link below). The main modification engraved on the front of the pebble consists of a T-shaped linear relief that emphasizes an eyebrow ridge and nose; two low arcs that meet at the centre of the pebble form the eyebrow ridge and then turn downward to depict a straight, elongated nose.
By skillful play with line depth and curvature,the artist has achieved a soft depiction of the cheeks and deep, shaded eye sockets (see Figure 3 PDF link below). The artistic qualities of the representation are schematic, but they present a realistic and uniquely expressive human face.
The back of the pebble is not carved but is lightly modified at the edges. Microscopic analysis shows a few small, smooth and shiny areas that may have been created by gentle polishing of the surface with a soft material such as skin or fabric, or by…… continue reading this article by clicking here.For the Silo by Leore Grosman, with Natalie Munro and Hadas Goldgeier/ academia.eu. Feature image photo by Dana Shaham.
Baku, Azerbaijan, July—The city of Fuzhou (China) will host the next session of the World Heritage Committee in 2020. This decision concluded the work of the 43rd session of the World Heritage Committee, meeting in Baku since 30 June.
During this year’s session, the World Heritage Committee inscribed a total of 29 new sites on the World Heritage List (one in Africa, two in the Arab States, ten in the Asia Pacific region, 15 in Europe and North America including Writing-on-Stone Provincial Park in Alberta, Canada and one in Latin America).
The World Heritage List now features 1,121 sites in 167 countries.
The
Committee approved the removal from the List of World Heritage in
Danger of the sites of Humberstone and Santa Laura Saltpeter Works
(Chile) and Birthplace of Jesus: the Church of the Nativity and
Pilgrimage Route, Bethlehem (Palestine). One property has been added to
the List of World Heritage in Danger: the Islands and Protected Areas of
the Gulf of California (Mexico).
This
session reaffirmed the potential of heritage in strengthening
cooperation between States, with the inscription of the transboundary
site of the Erzgebirge Mining Region/Krušnohoří (shared by Germany and
Czechia) and the extension into Albania of the natural and cultural
heritage site of the Ohrid Region (Northern Macedonia).
Cooperation and mediation work on heritage also allowed for consensus on decisions regarding the Middle East thanks to constructive discussion with the delegations concerned, notably Israel, Jordan and Palestine.
Several
major archaeological sites were added to the List, including the Dilmun
Burial Mounds (Bahrain), the Ancient Ferrous Metallurgy Sites of
Burkina Faso and the iconic site of Babylon (Iraq), once the centre of
the Neo-Babylonian Empire and site of the Hanging Gardens, one of the
Seven Wonders of the Ancient World, which have inspired artistic,
popular and religious culture worldwide.
The
inscription of Babylon, combined with significant investment by Iraq,
contributes to UNESCO’s efforts to rebuild the country and its flagship
Reviving the Spirit of Mosul initiative.
Sites
essential for the preservation of global biodiversity have also been
inscribed. They include the Migratory Bird Sanctuaries along the Coast
of Yellow Sea-Bohai Gulf of China (Phase I) (China) and the site of the
French Austral Lands and Seas (France) with a record surface area of
over 67 million hectares that is home to one of the highest
concentrations of birds and marine mammals in the world.
Finally, the inscription of the sites of Budj Bim Cultural Landscape within Australia’s Gundijmara Aboriginal region, and of Canada’s Writing-on-Stone / Áísínai’pi, a sacred landscape of the Blackfoot (Siksikáítsitapi) people, recognizes the knowledge of indigenous peoples, essential for the preservation of cultural and natural heritage.
Significant
efforts are still needed to enhance and preserve African heritage,
which remains largely under-represented on the List. UNESCO also renewed
its call for unflagging rigour, integrity and responsibility in the
examination of nominations so as to ensure the credibility of the World
Heritage Convention and its future standing.
The new natural sites are:
Migratory Bird Sanctuaries along the Coast of Yellow Sea-Bohai Gulf of China (Phase I) (China)
French Austral Lands and Seas (France)
Vatnajökull National Park – dynamic nature of fire and ice (Iceland)
Hyrcanian Forests (Islamic Republic of Iran)
Mixed site:
Paraty and Ilha Grande – Culture and Biodiversity (Brazil)
Cultural sites:
Budj Bim Cultural Landscape (Australia)
Historic Centre of Sheki with the Khan’s Palace (Azerbaijan)
Dilmun Burial Mounds (Bahrain)
Ancient ferrous Metallurgy Sites of Burkina Faso (Burkina Faso)
Writing-on-Stone / Áísínai’pi (Canada)
Archaeological Ruins of Liangzhu City (China)
Landscape for Breeding and Training of Ceremonial Carriage Horses at Kladruby nad Labem (Czechia)
Erzgebirge/Krušnohoří Mining Region (Czechia, Germany)
Water Management System of Augsburg (Germany)
Jaipur City, Rajasthan (India)
Ombilin Coal Mining Heritage of Sawahlunto (Indonesia)
Babylon (Iraq)
Le Colline del Prosecco di Conegliano e Valdobbiadene (Italy)
Mozu-Furuichi Kofun Group: Mounded Tombs of Ancient Japan (Japan)
Bagan (Myanmar)
Megalithic Jar Sites in Xiengkhuang – Plain of Jars (Lao People’s Democratic Republic)
Krzemionki Prehistoric Striped Flint Mining Region (Poland)
Sanctuary of Bom Jesus do Monte in Braga (Portugal)
Royal Building of Mafra – Palace, Basilica, Convent, Cerco Garden and Hunting Park (Tapada) (Portugal)
Seowon, Korean Neo-Confucian Academies (Republic of Korea)
Churches of the Pskov School of Architecture (Russian Federation)
Risco Caido and the Sacred Mountains of Gran Canaria Cultural Landscape (Spain)
Jodrell Bank Observatory (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland)
Farmland development throughout wind-powered Ontario has resulted in the hiring of many consulting archaeologists by developers of solar panels and wind turbine farms and the public continues to wonder why so much attention is given to archaeological sites several thousand years old that hold little or no cultural value to the people who live there today. One reason is simple to explain: developers closely follow the laws of the Ontario Heritage Act, which promotes the protection, and conservation of heritage sites before and after European Contact and therefore are bound to archaeology. The Heritage Act came into force in 1975 as a way to protect archaeological sites. Even architectural structures built over a century ago come under the protection of the Heritage act if deemed of historical significance.
But other than the legal issues, what is all the fuss about these archaeological sites in Ontario rural municipalities? Well, a lot has to do with how little the public knows about the earliest people who began to inhabit the Great Lakes region over 10,000 years ago. Increased development has resulted in many archaeological sites being uncovered, which helps to answer questions such as: who were these early people? How did they survive? [Especially during a time of mammoths and glaciers CP] Where did they come from? How were they impacted by climatic changes? How long did they live on the landscape before being replaced by other groups of people? Which leads to another, penultimate question: How can these questions be answered?
Here is one way. Archaeologists working on a site discovered a location where an ancient person was breaking stone into smaller pieces for making stones tools. Archaeologists found a location below the ground surface where pieces of stone fell and remained for over 7,000 years. One of the first questions archaeologists tried to answer is was that person standing or sitting down at that particular location when they dropped the pieces of stone.
The best way to answer that question was to do “experimental archaeology”. In this case, stone tools left in a forest are observed to determine how natural processes move and cover artifacts over time. Some stone tools are ‘dropped’ or left while standing and others while sitting down on a log or other structure. The difference in posture and stance and the difference in the height of the drop affect the way the pieces of stone fall, land and how they orient themselves on the ground.
This affects the way that they are weathered, covered and deposited. After a long period of experimenting and observation, it was determined that a person likely sat on a log while making their stone tools. The broken flakes of stone, covered and protected by forest debris, resulted in a well-preserved location where someone once sat down to made stone tools.
So the next time you come across a scatter of broken stone try to imagine who sat there as they made their stone tools and what the land once looked like long ago. For the Silo, Lorenz Bruechert. /Jarrod Barker.
I am sure some of you may have heard this story before, a friend goes out for a walk in the forest and returns back later holding what appears to be an arrowhead. Conversations about the artifact are followed with curiosity to learn more. Questions are asked such as, who made the artifact? How old is it? What type of rock was used to make it? How was it used?
For most people, arrowhead is a popular name used to describe the artifact they have found. In archaeology, arrowheads are generally called projectile points, but we will call them points for now. However, names are given to different types of points based on how archaeologists think they were used. Depending on their weight, size, and shape points can be called a spear, dart, or arrow point. Spear points are normally heavy, large, measure between 8cm to 17cm in length, and most likely tipped the end of a long wooden shaft. Dart points tend to be thick in the middle, light in weight, usually measure from 4cm to 8cm in length, and tipped the end of a long narrow wooden shaft thrown with the help of a dart-thrower. Arrow points are almost always triangular in shape, very thin in the middle, very light in weight, measure 2cm to 4cm in length, and hafted to a short narrow wooden shaft fired from a bow.
So who made these artifacts?
In most cases, they are referred to as Indians. In fact the name Indian was given to the first people met by Europeans arriving in the New World because at first they thought they had landed in India. The name has stayed ever since. Aboriginal is a name used by anthropologists and archaeologists alike when discussing the first people to the New World. We now know Aboriginals lived a hunting-gathering life style whether they lived nomadic or sedentary life styles. We don’t know the original names of Aboriginal groups, but names have been given to their points to distinguish one type from another. Some example names like Hilo, Nettling, and Genesee have been created for specific types of points.
Just how old projectile points are is determined using a technique called radiocarbon dating when uncontaminated organic material is recovered next to a point.
Archaeologists have been able to determine when a point was made in a specific time period based on the results of radiocarbon dating methods, but these are approximate dates. In Canada, the oldest known points are called Clovis points dating up to 11,200 years ago. Similar points have been found in the Great Lakes region dating around 10, 600 years ago.
Most projectile points found in the Lake Erie region of Norfolk and Haldimand County are made from a sedimentary rock high in silica called chert giving the stone a glassy ring to it when two pieces are hit together. What is unique to this region is that almost all points found in Norfolk County were made from chert originating from Haldimand County. Aboriginals either made their points in Haldimand County or picked up chert as rectangular nodules and carried it in tumpline baskets into Norfolk County where stone tools were made, including points.
Chert was only one of several materials used to make these points. Other materials such as wood, bone, and antler were also used, but because they are organic materials most of these points have decomposed over time. There were some attempts to make points from metal such as natural copper, but after contact with Europeans arrow points began to be made from metal products traded with Aboriginals.
Most often projectile points were used to hunt animals because they could create a serious wound to an animal to slow it down, but they were also useful as other types of tools.
While points are sharply tapered, many are wide with rounded or curved cutting edges suggesting as use other than hunting animals. Many points were used every day as knives, scrapers, and even drills because the chert they were made from produced a very sharp edge. However, the one problem with all points is that they break frequently during use and need repairing on a regular basis. This would explain why many broken projectile points been found.
Why are so many projectile points different from one another?
Archaeologists suggest points were used to distinguish one group of people from another. The abundance of points also suggests many were made for the purpose of exchanging and bartering for other resources, especially if they were made from a chert that was considered exotic in colour or resistant to breakage. In fact, chert found along the Onondaga escarpment in Haldimand County and ends in southern New York State was widely transported and exchanged because it was resistant to breakage compared to other types of chert. Lastly, point styles may reflect a response by Aboriginals to adjust the shape or style of the point to changing environments and food resources.
So the next time you get a chance to visit a museum with Aboriginal artifacts with a friend who found a projectile point, or maybe you found a point yourself, think about the amount of history held within this one artifact. Remember, it was made by a person who once lived, breathed, and walked across the very same landscape you live on today. If you look closely at a projectile point imagine what stories it could tell you about the past. For the Silo, Lorenz Bruechert.
Levallois lithic technology in the USA? The cores tell the story by Richard Doninger EDS. DISCLAIMER- We reproduce here a portion of our disclaimer from Doninger’s PCN Part1 article. Doninger’s collection is controversial and may indeed be a mix of genuine artifacts and geofacts.
One of the primary reasons to look at his material is the story he tells. It is one that the founders, members, and many readers of PCN (click here)are very familiar with. It involves a mainstream science community that is so dogmatic in its beliefs that it is willing to both block evidence or not even look at evidence that might challenge those beliefs. These beliefs include that there were no genuinely ancient people in the Americas and that early people throughout the world were less intelligent than us.
The idea that Lower, Middle, or Early Upper Paleolithic-style tools (in the European archaeology sense) are present in the Americas and mainstream resistance to the possibility is something that founding members geologist Virginia Steen-McIntyre (volcanic ash specialist), archaeologist Chris Hardaker, and geologist, the late Sam L. VanLandingham (diatomist) are/were all too familiar with as are also copy editors Tom Baldwin and David Campbell. This is not to mention the layout editor’s experience of censorship regarding evidence disproving cognitive evolution.
So, in a field where censorship of challenging evidence is routine—anthropology—virtually every proclamation the field makes needs to be questioned. One thing that we can be certain of is that once someone becomes “professional” in this field, in all likelihood, they will already be strongly opinionated regarding what is possible.
Dr. Steen-McIntyre, who started this regular feature section of PCN make it as a means to encourage avocational archaeologists and to help them raise the bar above the mere collecting of artifacts (the easy part) to adopting as many professional practices as possible especially in the recording and presenting of their finds. While Doninger’s artifacts are all surface collected, with few specific details of their discoveries recorded he does, nonetheless, present an interesting case that Levallois technology was established and varied in the southwest Indiana (c. Evansville) region.
Our publishing of Rick’s series is not an endorsement of his collection per se, but a reminder that we in the U.S. need to hold our anthropologists accountable as objective scientists, and, like in the field of astronomy, take the contributions of its amateur enthusiasts with a degree of interest.
In Part 1, I shared the story of my initial experience in trying to get input from the mainstream American archaeology community regarding Levallois artifacts including cores I have found in southwest Indiana (e.g., Fig.1) They repeatedly told me that such lithic technology wasn’t present in this country. After many years of research and communication with many professionals, I came to realize a few things that I wasn’t aware of. The first thing is that just because someone is an archaeologist by profession it does not mean that they have any expertise in lithic technology from prehistoric times.
The second is that just because an archaeologist has expertise in Native American lithic technology, does not mean they have any knowledge about lithic technology of early man such as that found abroad, e.g., “Levallois.” This leads to the third and most disappointing which is that many mainstream archaeologists will pretend to know a great deal more about the subject than they actually do and, often, rather than admit that they don’t will fall into simply towing the party line and coming back with a standard mainstream answer should you offer them any kind of evidence that challenges their long held beliefs such as about our origins or how old were the “first Americans” or who might they have been.
I guess one lesson I have learned well is that PhD B.S. is still discernible as B.S. even to a window cleaner such as myself and even though the attempt to camouflage it in scholarly data is present.
After almost two decades of inquiry and research on early lithic technology it seems to me that there is still very little known by American archaeologists about what is considered late Lower or Middle Paleolithic technology such as that found in sites abroad which are “usually” associated with Neanderthal occupations. The terms “Acheulian,” “Mousterian,” or “Levallois” all seem to produce perplexed looks when mentioned in most archaeologist circles and among those who are considered experts in the area of ancient flint tools and flint knapping.
Having said all of these things, I would like to share a bit from an amateur perspective on the subject. I mentioned in my last PCN article that I was told by lithic experts abroad that the only way to identify Levallois lithic reduction was to have some of the cores from which the proposed Levallois flake tools were struck.
Levallois cores are very distinct in appearance and are rarely mistaken for later type technologies such as those blade cores from what is considered the Upper Paleolithic.
There are at least four known core preps which I have found to be considered Levallois which yield several different flake types used in producing a fairly wide variety of tools found from what is considered the late Lower and Middle Paleolithic. All of these are unmistakably different from the American Clovis and later technologies commonly found in the USA.
Those four include the most commonly described “tortoise” (refer to Fig. 1, above), the “centripetal or discoidal” (refer to Fig.2, above),“triangular or chapeau de gendarme,” and the “blocky” core (see Fig.3 below)- all of which yield a very specific type of tool which are similar in morphology and are mostly made on flakes rather than blades (which are the hallmark of most known Native American technologies).
When archaeologists or collectors discover lithic scatters or “debitage” left from Clovis or later archaic tool production it is very recognizable to the trained eye familiar with Native American tool industries. The same applies with Levallois technology and the debitage produced from it. It is unmistakable to the trained eye but can remain virtually invisible to the eye programmed to see Clovis and later evidence, which seems to have been the case for decades now among American archaeologists. They have been recognizing only the evidence that they have been trained to see. That can now change as there is sufficient evidence in enough quantity to recognize what has been considered late Lower and Middle Paleolithic technology all over the world and is now available for analysis here in the USA.
If “the cores tell the story” it can now be told because we have the cores! For this article I have included an example of each core preparation as well as an example point tool (see Fig.4 below) made on Levallois flakes from such cores. A close look at the cores will reveal the negative triangular scars from where triangular flakes were struck revealing the method of reduction.
Levallois lithic reduction has been shown to be a more productive method of tool making in general than the later blade technologies as a wider range of tools can be produced by making the tools on flakes rather than blades. Contrary to the most commonly held belief that later blade technologies such as Clovis or Solutrean were more advanced, I personally believe the Levallois reduction resulted in a much wider range of tools from the same basic core preps which leave one to conclude that it is actually more advanced and complex than those who are assumed to have come later in history.
Over the last several years I have witnessed many who claim expertise in flint knapping who are able to produce virtually every kind of Native American “arrowhead” or bifacial blade tool commonly seen within the known Clovis or later tool industries. Some talented knappers can produce a very fine Clovis point in a matter of minutes and other arrowheads present little challenge in reproduction; but rare are the ones who can reproduce Levallois tools. How the flakes are struck so systematically and consistently from the same core preparation remains a mystery to most. One simply cannot appreciate the complexity of the industry without having such an industry to observe and most American archaeologists have never seen much less handled tools from an actual Levallois assemblage.
We have in recent years witnessed various claims of alleged “pre-Clovis” tools having been found. There are the tools from Meadowcroft Rock Shelter, Buttermilk Creek, Paisley Cave, Cactus Hill, Topper and others, each producing artifacts believed by the finders to represent cultures living here prior to those which produced the famed Clovis industry.
Unlike Clovis technology which has been found in sufficient quantity to establish an identifiable industry, none of the alleged pre-Clovis artifacts have been proven to be of an identifiable technology which has been seen anywhere else in the world in contexts believed to be older than Clovis, leaving only speculation and theory in regard to an actual identifiable “industry” to accompany the claims of a “pre-Clovis” origin.
This is not the case in regard to the assemblages of Levallois artifacts such as the ones being found in as many as eight different states now. These collections clearly display a specific identifiable technology commonly found in sites around the world which are always believed to be from contexts thousands of years older than any yet recorded in the USA. The scholarly critics of “pre-Clovis” claims often use the reasoning that none of the sites have produced a “coherent set of lithic artifacts” to justify the claims.
Having seen much of the lithic evidence from the sites such as Buttermilk Creek and Meadowcroft, I can understand the reluctance to welcome such scant evidence to support the claims because of the absence of a recognizable technology.
Levallois technology is not ambiguous when it is found, regardless of the location. The name is the first indicator in the process of identification…”prepared core.” When such cores are found, identification of the “industry” can begin and an understanding of the actual “technology” becomes comprehensive.
Although I am only showing a few cores and point tools in this article, there are hundreds more in my possession to support my claims of an actual “industry” based on Levallois reduction.
As I have stated previously, I am making no claims regarding the age of these artifacts but rather the “technology” of the tools which is clearly paralleled in the later Acheulian and Middle Paleolithic Mousterian industries of the Old World.
Although the images shown are some of the basic cores and points of the industry, there are also dozens of other tool types present in our assemblages such as burins, blades, hand axes, bolas, scrapers, planes, awls, ochers and effigies. Tools made on the cores themselves are also common, displaying the life of the core and its utilization as different tools during the reduction process of extracting flakes for points, blades and other utensils.
Although considered and labeled as “primitive man” technology when found abroad to support the proposed “out of Africa” human migration theory, I disagree with such labels and assumptions in regard to this technology. Levallois reduction obviously requires both planning and skillful execution to produce such an industry in such an efficient use of available lithic material resources.
The presence of what has been called “old world” technology here in the USA clearly shows that what is being taught in regard to our origins as a nation is wrong and needs to be acknowledged by those who are promoting such error. The evidence is as solid as the rock from which it is hewn. For the Silo (from PCN Vol7 Issue3)- Richard Doninger, a surface-artifact collector living in Evansville southwest Indiana.
Eds. Comment- Rick makes a very interesting case for a lithic technology that appears to be little-known to archaeologists in the U.S. There is still the problem that the artifacts are not documented as to the exact context of each, which, unfortunately, limits the value of the specimens.
However, if the technology is as abundant as Rick’s collection suggests, we simply recommend that he “re-collect” duplicate examples from specific locations with an exacting record of what he has found and where.
Avocational archaeology is a special section of Pleistocene Coalition News started by PC founding member, Dr. Virginia Steen-McIntyre, to encourage amateur archaeologists.
Phil Czerwinski of Perth, Australia and director of “Heritage Western Australia” an archaeological consultant company focusing on the survey of indigenous rock art, archaeological, and ethnographic sites in Western Australia came to learn about archaeology in southern Ontario. Phil arrived in Haldimand-Norfolk County July 4-11, 2014 to participate in an archaeological exchange with the Haldimand Norfolk Archaeological Regional Project (HNARP).
Phil was kind enough to take time from his schedule in Canada to answer a few questions about his experiences with archaeology in southern Ontario.
1. What kind of archaeology do you conduct in Western Australia?
I’m an archaeologist who does a lot of work in Western Australia. We have lots of cool archaeology such as artefact scatters, rock art, and caves with human occupation dating back 40,000 years ago. My main interest is in how hunter-gatherers use the landscape, and how these settlement patterns are shown in archaeological sites. Much of my work is for mining companies.
2. What interested you to come to Ontario and participate in this regional project?
I came to do fieldwork with the Haldimand Norfolk Archaeological Research Project (HNARP) in Ontario because Lorenz and I worked together in Australia a few years ago. He told me about his project and I thought it would be a great idea to see how things are done in Canada.
3. In Haldimand-Norfolk County much of the archaeology is conducted on private lands. When does your company deal with private land owners to access properties to conduct your archaeological work?
We do not do too much work on private lands as most of the work is on Crown Land, which is why I was interested in coming to see how HNARP relates to local landowners. What instantly impressed me during my time in the field with HNARP was the level of community engagement with the landowners and other stakeholders such as collectors. The way Lorenz Bruechert, Project Director spoke respectfully with them, listened to their concerns about accessing fields in crop, handling their precious artefact collections, and making sure the communication was a two way street was refreshing to experience. To have a beer and ‘talk turkey’ (in our case pigs) with landowners was wonderful. The fact that landowners and interested people get newsletter updates on HNARP is a great information sharing initiative.
4. HNARP attempts to develop long term relationships with land owners in an effort to develop community archaeology. When do consultant companies like Heritage Western Australia have an opportunity to develop community archaeology with their clients or within communities where development is planned?
Our archaeology is mostly mining based, so our relationships are with the companies and the Aboriginal groups on whose lands the mining companies want to mine. Often these turn into long term relationships, which have their ups and downs. We aim for sustainability in heritage; where we all get something out of the process.
5. How do corporations support community archaeology in Western Australia?
The main corporate interest in archaeology where I work is based on the approvals process, where heritage is often viewed as another box to check in the mining process. Some of the bigger mining companies do it differently, and sponsor larger regional studies in order to understand the Aboriginal heritage.
6. How do you see a regional archaeological study different or similar to how consultant archaeology is conducted in Australia?
There are long term goals in the type of regional study that HNARP is doing, whereas consultancy based archaeology often does not share this goal and is a get in and out quick approach to archaeology.
7. What benefits did you see in a regional study compared to consultant archaeology?
There are many benefits. By developing relationships with landowners HNARP can give something to the community that consultancy often does not – that being a sense of communal ownership and responsibility for regional heritage. It sheds light on large areas and hunter-gatherer settlement patterns across time and space.
8. The HNARP works collaboratively and in co-operation with land owners to engage them in public archaeology to protect archaeological sites and artifacts from destruction and permanent loss. What opportunities are there to conduct similar practices in for archaeological sites and artifacts in Australia?
Much of our work involves working with Aboriginal people and mining companies to manage archaeological sites for a win-win solutions. Mining takes up land, and archaeological sites are so prevalent in the Pilbara region of Western Australia where I work that this involves destroying sites. Here the aim is ensuring everyone is informed on what is going on, and when sites are to be destroyed they are done so in a culturally sensitive manner and in line with legislative requirements.
9. What finals comments would you like to share with Silo readers about your experiences with HNARP?
It is not easy to tell people about the ins and outs of archaeology in a way they can understand what you are trying to achieve, but being a local Lorenz understands the landowner’s issues and communicates in a down to earth manner. He works to develop long term relationships with landowners. This is rare in archaeology, be it in Australia or anywhere in the world. We have lots of stone artefact sites in Western Australia, although we do not have the nice artefacts such as arrowheads you folks have. To see these local treasures being studied in a project that is solely funded by the researcher is again uncommon.
Archaeology is archaeology anywhere in the world, but people are people. They have interests and issues that should never be over-ridden in the pursuit of academic studies. With the goal to put archaeology back into the community, HNARP is unique and deserves local support. After all, who best to understand the Haldimand-Norfolk area than an archaeologist who was raised and grew up a local farmer. Thanks for this opportunity to share my experiences about archaeology in southern Ontario. CP
Generations of Haldimand and Norfolk citizens have found and collected stone artifacts from their lands. Artifacts were kept out of intrigue and interest and often displayed prominently within homes. Some were valued as family heirlooms, others placed in boxes and kept packed away on a shelf. This is where I enter the story. My name is Lorenz Bruechert and I am an archaeologist.
Not long ago a land owner told me that artifacts had been collected from his family property over many, many years. I was invited to make an examination because the owner knew they might be important to my regional archaeological study (www.haldimandarchresearchproject.com). There still was a little hesitation, primarily out of concern that I might confiscate the artifacts. But that is not what I do. My interest in private collections from prehistoric times is based in public outreach and education.
I was able to provide the owner with a time period of the artifacts, the type of rock used in their manufacture, and their origins. You see, I believe it is important to foster trust and to empower landowners with information, thereby ensuring their collections are valued, respected and hopefully made available for scientific study.
Private collections reflect the richness of our homelands and confirm the reality of past human occupation. Trying to make sense of who primitive occupants were and how they lived is helped immensely by studying the ages and quantities of found artifacts. Artifacts date from within historic periods to as far back as when glaciers still existed in Southern Ontario. In fact, many land owners are surprised to learn that their collections are much older than a few hundred years.
At least 80% of human history is represented by stone artifacts. The rock used is generally a sedimentary variety containing silica. The more silica a rock has, the easier it is to break apart. The geological name for the type of stone used in most tool manufacture is chert or flint. Chert formations date as far back as the age of the dinosaurs. They were scoured and scraped by the movement of glaciers and carried along until the glacier melted. What this means is that an artifact found in Haldimand or Norfolk may have originated thousands of kilometers away!
In Southern Ontario, stone tool artifacts have been recovered and dated within several different main time periods. Each period shows variations thought to reflect climate changes that made an impact on animal and plant species. As species changed or disappeared, new types of stone tools were manufactured to keep up with these transitions. Dating artifacts, therefore, helps to identify migrations of different people groups across our counties’ deep past.
Most landowners truly enjoy having their artifacts interpreted. Their private collections remain intact and local people become, in a sense, guardians of local history. If a family is not interested in acting as stewards, I always encourage them to donate their pieces to a local museum, to ensure that the artifacts remain in the community.
Lorenz Bruechert will return soon for another installment of local archaeology. You can contact Lorenz at hnarproject@gmail.com.
In the videogame world there’s immersive gaming and then there’s immersive gaming. Take Blizzard’s World of Warcraft for example. Not only can you buy “virtual treasure and items” on eBay using real life money, there’s a new cataclysm expansion pack that allows your character to learn a new archaeology skill and visit “virtual dig sites” to gather your own artifacts. This sort of ingame depth and detail is why over 12,000,000 people spend a great deal of time “existing” in the virtual World of Warcraft.
Featured image- middlesavagery.files.wordpress.com
I was raised in the dairy farming community of Jarvis in Haldimand County. Since dairy was on the decline my family and I decided I would go to university. I began the study of archeology, and The Haldimand Norfolk Archaeological Research Project (HNARP) is a scientific study intended for my doctoral dissertation.
I selected this region because as a youth I walked across many of the county concessions and came to have an understanding of the landscape. In addition, there is continuous encroachment on the farm lands in the form of housing subdivisions in growing communities, industrial development along the lakeshore, and external landowners waiting to develop the land. The long term goal of the HNARP is to improve current evidence of prehistoric climate change and to determine its impact on early people. A study has never before been undertaken in Ontario over such a large parcel of land, and it needs to be done now before the opportunity is lost forever.
When the Laurentide ice sheet began receding 20,000 years ago the lands left behind were devastated by glaciers that destroyed plant life and any chance for animal or human survival. The first hints of people in the region date back 11,000 years. Evidence of their existence is in the form of stone debris and tools left behind on the ground. In fact, Haldimand is the locus of our study because of the abundant chert formations in the region (chert is a type of flinty rock). These were a continuous draw for early people constantly in need of stone for tools and weapons. This same geology is the source of the quarry rock that provides jobs and careers in the community today.
Which brings us to one of the most rewarding outcomes of this kind of archeology: the people of Haldimand-Norfolk will begin to understand their relationship to the land as part of a 10,000 year history of human habitation. By systematically studying the major watersheds we can learn much of both archeological and environmental importance. Settlement patterns emerge. We begin to see how fluctuations in the climate of the Great Lakes region impacted plant and animal life, and the seasonal availability of certain foods. As we learn about the past we discover connections to the present, and can plan more effectively for the future. But the evidence we need can only exist under certain conditions, and development is not one of them. The HNARP must act now to learn what we can.
Our success depends on agricultural landowners acting as stewards, to preserve and protect archaeological sites so they can be properly interpreted and understood. People are often concerned about what an archeological study on their lands might mean. Let me alleviate some of those concerns. The HNARP regional study is conducted on private property. That means simply: your land remains your land. All information relating to this scientific study is strictly private and confidential. No information is made public or shared with any institution or public organization. Generally, landowners can continue their farming practices without any interruption from this study.
One of the most interesting aspects of our work is something we call “community archaeology.” Interested community members can volunteer to be trained in to work with HNARP members, and become part of the discovery themselves. For the Silo, Lorenz Bruechert.